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International Library of Psychology 
Philosophy and Scientific Method 

Emotions of 
Normal People 

International Library of Psychology 
Philosophy and Scientific Method 4 



by C. K 

. C. K. OGDEN, M.A. 
(Magdalene College, Cambridge) 

by G. E. MOORB, Litt.D. 
by W. H. R. RIVERS, F.R.S. 
by W. H. R. RIVERS, F.R.S. 
by W. H. R. RIVERS, F.R.S. 
by W. H. R. RIVERS, F.R.S. 
. * . by C. G. JUNG 
. by A. D. RITCHIE 
by C. D. BROAD, Litt.D. 
C. D. BROAD, Litt.D. 




SPECULATIONS (Preface by Jacob Epstein) 















































t/y vy Jt-f ui\\JAU f JUU.uu.-LS . 


. by C. S. PEIROE 
. by T. E. HULMK 


. by J. C. GREGORY 
by J. H. LEUBA 
by W. POLE, F.R.S. 
. edited by MAX SCHOEN 
. by E. A. BURTT.Ph.D. 
. by M. COLLINS, Ph.D. 
by 3. T. MACCURDY, M.D. 
in honour of MORTON PRINCE 
by E. ROHDE 
by M. STURT 
. by F. A. LANGE 
by R. G. GORDON, M.D. 
by R. G. GORDON, M.D. 
by T. W. MITCHELL, M.D. 
. by CHARLES Fox 
. by A. A. ROBACK 
by K. C. HSIAO 
by R. C. LODGE 
by J. F. MARKET 




by Hu SHIH 

Emotions of Normal 


Lecturer in Psychology at Columbia University 
and at New York University 














You are not a " Normal Person " when Afraid, En- 
raged, Deceptive Normal Emotions are Biologically 
Efficient Emotions- Present Emotion Names are 
Literary Terms, Scientifically Meaningless In what 
Terms can Normal Emotions be Described ? 


What Emotional Sets Determine Diverse Types of 
Psychological Concepts ? The Mechanistic Set The 
Vitahstic Set Existence of Mechanistic-Type Causes 
and Vitalistic-Type Causes Science must Describe 
both Types of Causes Interaction of Mechanistic-Type 
and Vitahstic-Type Causes Complex Matter-Units 
Possess Greatest Causal Power Assignments of the 
Sciences Psychology's Assignment Types of Causes 
Emphasized by Different Schools of Emotion Inves- 
tigators Psycho-Physiologists Mental-Tester-Statis- 
ticians Behaviourists Psycho-Analysts Summary 
Psychology of Emotion Tentatively Denned. 


Does Consciousness Exist ? Proofs of Consciousness 
Consciousness is not Intra-neuronic Energy Con- 
sciousness is Synaptic Energy Concept of the Psy- 
chon, and of the Psychonic Impulse. 


Total Absence of Constructive Theory of Emotions 
Physiologists' Disproof of James-Lange Theory 
Sherrington's Results Goltz' Results Work of Lang- 
ley, and of Cannon Unsolved Problem Motor Con- 
sciousness Theory Proofs of the Existence of Motor 
Consciousness Motor Consciousness Not Previously 
Identified with Affection Emotional Stimuli are 
Central, never Environmental Analysis of Intervening 
Factors between Environmental Stimulus and Bodily 
Movement Summary. 



INGS 69 

Wundt's Theory of Six Primary Feelings Primary 
Feelings are Pleasantness and Unpleasantness Origin- 
ating in Motor Alliances and Conflicts-'-How do Motor 
Alliances and Conflicts Reach Consciousness ? 
Theories that Feeling is an Integral Part of Sensation 
Theories that Visceral Sensations are also Feelings 
Unsolved Problem Feeling Tone is Motor Con- 
sciousness, or Motation Integrative Principles of 
Pleasantness and Unpleasantness Causal Attributes 
of Pleasantness and Unpleasantness as Primary Ele- 
ments of Motation Possible Objections to Proposed 
Theory of Pleasantness and Unpleasantness Constant 
Tonic Discharge Renders all Responses Initially 
Pleasant or Unpleasant- -Summary. 


The Tonic Mechanisms Importance of Tonic Mechan- 
isms Concepts of " Motor Self " and " Motor 
Stimuli " Principles of Response of Motor Self to 
Motor Stimulus Motor Self and Antagonistic Motor 
Stimuli (Inferior and Superior) Motor Self and 
Allied Motor Stimuli (Inferior and Superior) Differ- 
ences between Psychonic Relationships of Motor Self 
to Allied and to Antagonistic Stimuli The " Emotion 
Circle " of Integrative Relationships between Motor 
Self and Motor Stimuli Outline of Integrative Prin- 
ciples of Primary Emotions and Feelings. 


Dominance in the Behaviour of Forces of Nature 
Contrast between Motor Stimuli and Environmental 
Stimuli Dominance in Human and Animal Behaviour 
Development of Dominance Response in Young 
Children Borderline between Normal and Abnormal 
Dominance Summary and Analysis Dominance 
Behaviour of Less Extreme Character Dominance 
of the Chase " Destructive Dominance " Com- 
petitive Dominance Conditioning of Adult Domin- 
ance Responses Sex Differences in Dominance 
Summary The Pleasantness and Unpleasantness 
of Dominance Distinctive Conscious Characteristics 
of Dominance Emotion. 


Compliance Response in Human and Animal Be- 
haviour Compliance in Infant " Fear " Responses 
Compliance in Adult " Fear " Responses Basic 
Dominance and Compliance Response Mechanisms 
are not Altered by Learning Dangerous Environ- 
mental Stimuli are not Necessarily Adequate Stimuli 
to Compliance Response Compliance Response Pre- 



vented by Over-Intensity of Motor Self Suddenness 
of Stimulation Tends to Evoke Compliance Pro- 
longation and Frequent Repetition of Stimulation 
Tend to Evoke Compliance High Connector Threshold 
to Compliance Response " Passive " Dominance is 
Resistance to Compliance Response " Passive " and 
" Active " Compliance Difficulty of Compelling 
Active Compliance Response by Imposing Intense En- 
vironmental Stimuli Maximally Pleasant Environ- 
mental Stimuli Evoke Active Compliance Over- 
Intense Motor Self Must be Taught to " Comply with 
Volume " Summary Environmental Stimuli Evok- 
ing Compliance with Volume Response " Nature " 
is Environmental Stimulus of Greatest Volume and 
Most Harmonious Pattern Country Environment 
Evokes Compliance from a Cat Country Environ- 
ment Evokes Compliance from Children Dominance 
is Evoked by Single Objects, Compliance by Country 
as Unit Stimulus-~-Child May Comply with Superior 
Volume but not with Superior Intensity of Stimulus 
Compliance with Volume is Pleasant, Compliance with 
Intensity is Unpleasant Human Brings can be 
Controlled by Offering a Stimulus of Superior Volume 
Compliance with Volume is a Learned Response 
Aesthetic Emotion is Compliance with Volume 
Aesthetes Possess Delicate Balance of the Motor 
Self Motor Discharge to the Viscera gives Greatest 
Unit Motor Pattern for Aesthetic Compliance Response 
Work Contains both Dominance and Compliance ; 
Aesthetic Attitude is Pure Compliance Summary 
Compliance may be Unpleasant, Indifferent, and 
Pleasant Distinctive Conscious Characteristics oi 
Compliance Emotion. 


Passive Dominance Prevents Compliance from being 
Evoked Dominance Represents the Natural Equi- 
librium of the Organism Active Compliance may 
Oppose More and More of Motor Self until it Evokes 
Dominance Shift from Compliance to Dominance 
when Whole Motor Self is Opposed is " Instinct of 
Self -Preservation " Dominance Always Replaces 
Compliance Compliance Protects the Organism 
Against Superior Foes Compliance Responds have 
Selective Value in Evoking Maximally Efficient Domin- 
ance Responses Compliance must not be Carried 
Beyond its Usefulness to Dominance Compliance 
Normally Precedes and is Adapted to Dominance. 


Dominance and Compliance Responses Toward the 
Same Object Blend or Inhibit One Another Domin- 
ance and Compliance May Exist Simultaneously in 
Different Centres Active Dominance and Compliance 
Toward Different Objects Cannot Co-exist in Same 



Centres Possible Combinations Active Dominance 
and Passive Compliance may form an Emotional 
Compound pCaD is Desire Passive Dominance and 
Active Compliance may form an Emotional Compound 
aCpD is Satisfaction Desire and Satisfaction Com- 
pose Appetite Summary Hunger as Teacher of 
Appetite Emotion and Behaviour Physiology of the 
Hunger Stimulus Motor Self Discharge Predomin- 
antly Sympathetic Motor Stimuli Discharge Through 
Cranial Channels would be Antagonistic to the Motor 
Self Autonomic Channels of Motor Self and Motor 
Stimuli Summary Hunger Pangs Evoke Motor 
Stimuli Antagonistic and Superior to the Motor Self 
Subject Passively Complies with Hunger Pangs and 
Actively Dominates Food (Desire) Subject Actively 
Complies with Food and Passively Dominates Hunger 
Pangs Spread of Active Compliance during Satisfac- 
tion to Other Environmental Stimuli Besides Food 
Summary of Physical Appetite Characteristics of 
Dominance and Compliance Revealed in Eating 
Behaviour Hunger Pangs can Build up Model 
Integrative Pattern for Appetite Emotion. 

XI SUBMISSION . . ' 222 

Submission Response Requires Thalamic Motor 
Centres True Submission Appears in Infant Be- 
haviour Similar Submission in Behaviour of Older 
Children Learning of Submission is Pleasant ; Learn- 
ing of Compliance is Unpleasant Stimulus Evoking 
Submission must be Allied to Subject ; Stimulus 
Evoking Compliance is Antagonistic Submission not 
Dependent upon Erogenous Zone Stimulation 
Stimulus Evoking Submission must be Stronger than 
Boy but not too Intense Allied Stimulus of Superior 
Volume Effectively Evokes Submission Woman's 
Strength Seldom Felt as Superior by Adolescent 
Males Allied, Intellectual Superiority may Evoke 
Submission Stimulus Person must Resemble Subject 
to Evoke Submission Female Behaviour Contains 
more Submission than Male Behaviour Active and 
Passive Submission Motor Self Decreases its Strength 
Sufficiently to be Controlled Summary Pleasant- 
ness and Submission Distinctive Conscious Char- 
acteristics of Submission Emotion. 


Inducement Emotion Requires Thalamic Motor 
Centres Inducement Appears in Infant Behaviour 
Inducement is Important Element in Girls' Behaviour 
* Males' Inducement is Controlled by Dominance 
and Appetite Male Organism Not Suited to Induce 
other Males Noiroal Adult Male Transfers Induce- 
ment from Sadism to Business Inducement in 
BusinessConfusions between Inducement and Dom- 
inance Girls Express Inducement not Mixed with 



AppetiteForced Use of Inducement for Appetite 
by Women Women's Inducement Conditioned on 
Males by Appetitive Compulsion Women Inducing 
Males f oi\ Appetitive Supply are Business Rivals 
Except in Social Rivalry, Girls Express Pure Induce- 
ment toward other Girls Characteristics of Adequate 
Stimulus to Inducement Male Inducement Threshold 
Varies with State of Appetitive Responses When 
Inducement Serves Appetite, Inducement Threshold 
is Low Resistance may Evoke Pure Inducement 
Measure of Motor Self Inducement Increase Girls 
More Closely Allied to other Girls than Males 
Alliance Requirement of Stimulus Inversely P/opor- 
tional to its Strength Summary Pleasantness of 
Inducement Distinctive Conscious Characteristics of 
Inducement Emotion. 


D-fS Gives Organism a Resting Balance Induce- 
ment Rebponse Requires an Unstable State of Reflex^ 
Equilibrium I is to S as C is to D Teaching is I-fS 
Learning by I-f-S is Pleasant ; Learning by Trial 
and Error (C-j-D) is Painfrl Anglo-American Law 
Forbids Use oi Dominance Toward Human Beings 
Common Law Enforces the I-}-S Relationship in 
Business Law Recognizes I+S as Proper Learning 


Infants Manifest Active and Passive Love Behaviour 
Passive Love is a Compound of pi and aS Active 
Love is a Compound of al and pS Captivation 
Mutual Captivation Emotion is Evoked by Struggles 
Between the Sexes Males Capturing Males Experience 
Dominance-Captivation Girls Punishing Girls Ex- 
perience Captivation Emotion Passion Passion in 
Behaviour of Young Children Captivation is Spon- 
taneous Element in Girls' Behaviour, not Passion 
Passion Easily Evoked by One Girl from Other Girls 
Study of Passion in Inter-Class Relationships of 
College Girls Conclusions from Study Summary 
Development of Passion Emotion in Males Woman's 
Strength Insufficient to Evoke Passion from some 
Males Study of Passion in Inter-Class Relationships 
of College Men Conclusions from Study Summary. 


Genital Organ Mechanisms Motor Self Simultaneously 
Energizes Internal and External Genitals All Motor 
Stimuli Activating Genitals are Allied No Cyclic 
' Love Stimulus in Male Organism Love Stimulus Cycle 
in Woman pi aS Evoked During Menses (?) alpS 
Follows Menstrual Period Female Seeks Male- 
Male Body Suited for Passion Only Climax of Male 
Response is Active Love Men Like to Confuse Lqve 



and Appetite Love, Used for Appetite, Must Never- 
theless be Love Overt Love Behaviour Prior to 
Sexual Union Love Union of Sexes Need for Train- 
ing of Male in Coitus Reservatus Dominance Con- 
trolling Love Thwarts Both Love -and Appetite- 
Woman's Passion Love (plaS-f alpS) Has Character- 
istic Complex Emotional Quality Genital Mechanisms 
are Teachers of Love. 


Types of Physiological Relationships Between Mother 
and Child During Pregnancy Active Creation (pAaL) 
^Defined in Terms of Physiological Relationships 
Passive Creation (aApL) Similarly Defined Active 
Creation Emotion of Mother After Birth of Child 
Conscious Characteristics of Active Creation Emotion 
Sex Differences in Active Creation Response 
Passive Creation (aApL) Evoked From Child 
Appetitive Elements Predominate in Child's Res- 
ponses to Mother Mothers Evoke Passive Creation 
From Daughters Artistic Creation Expresses Passive 
Creation Emotion Active Creation Motivates Physi- 
cians, Teachers, C 1 orgy men Summary. 



Over-Dominant Reversals Rage Over-Compliant 
Reversals Fear Dominance and Fear in Deception 
Tests Reversed Relationships Between Submission 
and Inducement Over-Submission Reversals Jeal- 
ousy Over-Inducement Reversals Hate Summary 
Love-Appetite Reversal Emotions Reversal Emo- 
tions Between Active and Passive Love and Active 
and Passive Appetite Reversal Emotions Between 
Active and Passive Love and Dominance Reversal 
Emotions Between Inducement and Submission and 
Appetitive Primaries. 


People Evaluate Behaviour by What They See Others 
Doing People Only See the Least Normal Part of 
Other People's Behaviour The " Inner Conviction " 
of Abnormality Psycho-Neural Normalcy of Be- 
ta viour does not Depend upon what One's Neighbour 
Does Appetitive Leaders are not Love Leaders 
Qualifications of a Love Leader Emotional Re- 
education of Women to become Love Leaders 
Emotional Re-education of Men and Women to Follow 
Love Leadeiship. 

INDEX 399 




2 THE SYNAPSE . . 50 






ARE you a "normal person"? Probably, for the most 
part, you are. Doubtless, however, you have occasional 
misgivings. Your " sex-complexes ", your emotional de- 
pressions, or your " hidden fears" seem to you, at tiines, 
distinctly abnormal. And so psychology might adjudge 
them. On the other hand, you undoubtedly experience 
milder fears, furies, petty jealousies, minor hatreds, and 
occasional feelings of trickery and deception which you have 
come to regard as part of your normal self. And psychology 
aids and abets you in this notion, also. In fact, many psy- 
chologists at the present time frankly regard " fear " and 
" rage ", not only as normal emotions, but even as the 
" major " emotions. By some writers 1 " choc ", or emotional 
shock is suggested as the one element essential to normal 
emotion. Some psychological experimenters have compelled 
women subjects to cut off the heads of live rats, proudly 
presenting reaction data thus obtained as a measure of normal 
emotional response to an adequate stimulus. One of the 
most eminent investigators of emotion 2 goes so far as to 
advocate retention of " fear " and " rage " in normal human 
behaviour, for the purpose of supplying bodily strength and 
efficiency ! This suggestion seems to me like recommending 
the placing of tacks in our soup for the sake of strengthening 
the lining of the alimentary canal. I do not regard you as a 
"normal person", emotionally, when you are suffering 
from fear, rage, pain, shock, desire to deceive, or any other 

1 D. Wechsler, The Measurement of Emotional Reaction, New York, 
1925, Chapter X. 

1 W. B. Cannon, Bodily Changes in Pain, Hunger, Fear and Rage, 
New York and London, 1920, Chapter XV. * 

I B 


emotional state whatsoever containing turmoil and conflict. 
Your emotional responses are "normal " when they produce 
pleasantness and harmony. And this book is devoted 
to description of normal emotions which are so common- 
place and fundamental in the every-day lives of all of us 
that they have escaped, hitherto, the attention of the 
academician and the psychologist. 

Normal Emotions are Biologically Efficient Emotions. 

If, as psychologists, we follow the analogy of the other 
biological sciences, we must expect to find normalcy synony- 
mous with maximal efficiency of function. Survival of 
the fittest means survival of those members of a species whose 
organisms most successfully resist the encroachments of 
environmental antagonists, and continue to function with 
greatest internal harmony. In the field of emotions, then, 
why should we alter this expectation ? Why should we 
seek the spectacularly dLharmonious emotions, the feelings 
that reveal a crushing of ourselves by environment, and 
consider these affective responses as our normal emotions ? 
If a jungle beast is torn and wounded during the course of an 
ultimately victorious battle, it would be a spurious logic 
indeed that attributed its victory to its wounds. If a human 
being be emotionally torn and mentally disorganized by 
fear or rage during a business battle from which, ultimately, 
he emerges victorious, it seems equally nonsensical to ascribe 
his conquering strength to those emotions symptomatic of 
his temporary weakness and defeat. Victory comes in 
proportion as fear is banished. Perhaps the battle may be 
won with some fear still handicapping the victor, but that 
only means that the winner's maximal strength was not 

I can still remember vividly the fear I once experienced, 
as a child, when threatened, on my way to school, by a half- 
witted boy with an air-gun. I had been taught by my father 
never to fight ; so I ran home in an agony of fear. My 

mother told me, " Go straight by F . Don't attack 

him unless he shoots at you, but if he does, then go after 
him ". I was an obedient child, and followed orders ex- 
plicitly. I marched up to F and his gun with my face 

set and my stomach sick with dread. F did not shoot. 

I have known, ever since that well-remembered occasion, 


that fear does not give strength in times of stress. Part of the 

strength with whicl'i I faced F 's air-gun came from my 

own underlying dominance, newly released from artificial 
control. But mosl x of it belonged to my mother, and she was 
able to use it in my behalf because I submitted to her. Domin- 
ance and submission are the " normal ", strength-giving 
emotions, not " rage ", or " fear ". 

Present Emotion frames are Literary Terms, Scientifically 

Yet my initial researches in emotion were not concerned 
with normal, biologically efficient emotions. I began to try 
to measure the bodily symptoms of deception in the Harvard 
Psychological laboratory, in 1913, l and later continued this 
work in the U.S. Army, during the war, 2 and in some court 
cases. 3 But the more I learned about the bodily symptorns 
of deception, the more I realized the futility of trying to 
measure complex conflict-emotions,* like " fear ", " anger ", 
or " deception ", without in the least knowing the normal, 
fundamental emotions which appeared in the process of 
being melodramatically baffled in laboratory or court-room 
torture situations. 

What does the average teacher of psychology mean when 
he glibly rattles off the words " fear ", " rage ", " anger ", and 
*" sex-emotion " ? 4 Almost any literary light of the Victorian 
era, if asked to define these words, would have answered, 
readily enough : " They are names for emotions possessing 
distinctive conscious qualities, experienced by everybody, 
every day. These easily recognized, primitive emotions con- 
stitute the very backbone of literature." I submit that the 
backbone of literature has been transplanted intact into 

1 For reports of these researches see : W. M. Marston, " Systolic 
Blood Pressure Symptoms of Deception," Jr. Exp. Psy., 1917, vol. 2, 
p. 117. W. M. Marston, "Reaction Time Symptoms of Deception," 
ibid, 1920, vol. 3, pp. 72-87. W.M. Marston, "Negative Type Reaction 
Time Symptoms of Deception," Psy. Rev., 1925, vol. 32, pp. 241, 247. 

2 R. M. Yerkes, " Report of the Psy. Committee of the National 
Research Council," Psy. Rev., 1919, vol. 26, p. 134. 

* W. M. Marston, " Psychological Possibilities in the Deception 
Tests," Jour. Cnm. Law and Cnm., 1921, vol. XI, pp. 552-570. W. 
M. Marston, " Sex Characteristics of Systolic Blood Pressure Be- 
haviour," Jour. Exp. Psy., 1923, vol. VI. 387-419. 

* The substance of the following paragraphs appeared originally 
' in an article by the writer, entitled " Primary Emotions," Psy. Rev., 

and is reproduced with the kind permission of its editor, Pro& H, C 


psychology, where it has proved pitifully inadequate. The 
whole structure of our recently christened " science ", in 
consequence, remains spineless in its attempted descriptions 
of human behaviour. Most teachers of psychology, it would 
seem, are still unable to define these time-worn emotional 
terms with greater exactness or scientific meaning than that 
employed by literary men of the last century. 

Nor can the average teacher be blamed. Theorists and 
researchers utxm whom the teacher mtist depend for his 
scientific, concepts have written many hundreds of thousands 
of words on the subject of emotions, without attempting 
definite, psycho-neural description of a single basic, or primary 
emotion. On the other hand, nearly all writers seem to accept 
the old, undefined literary names of various " emotions " 
without question ; each writer then giving these terms such 
annotation as they may happen to hold for him, individually. 

Consider, for example, the term " fear ". This word seems 
to find its way, unquestioned, into nearly every emotions 
research reported to the literature of psychology and phy- 
siology. What does it mean ? The James-Langeites say 
" fear " is a complex of sensations, perhaps largely visceral, 
perhaps not ; perhaps the same in all subjects, but probably 
differing importantly in different individuals. Surely the 
unfortunate teacher of psychology can extract little comfort 
from such vague guess-work. Besides, the physiologists have! 
proved, with their customary thoroughness, that the condition 
of consciousness traditionally termed " fear " in popular and 
literary parlance, cannot be composed characteristically of 
sensory content. 1 

What then of the physiologists ? They use the term 
" fear ", it appears, quite as blithely and trustfully as do the 
James-Langeites. Cannon uses the word " fear " throughout 
the entir^ course of his extremely valuable work entitled, 
Bodily Changes in Pain, Hunger, Fear and Rage. 

But how does he differentiate it from " rage ", or from 
" pain " ? He points out physiological similarities, but no 
measurable differences between these " major emotions ". 
Cannon assumes that the so-called sympathetic division of the 
autonomic nervous system is always activated by the " fear " 

1 Foi summary of investigations touching this point see W. M. 
Marstpn, " Motor Consciousness as a Basis for Emotion/' Jour. Abn, 
<nnd Soc. Psy., vol. XXII, July-Sept., 1927, pp. 140-150, 


pattern. But he cites various other effects of " fear ", such 
as nausea, weakness, vomiting, etc., which would be ascribed, 
by many writers, to vagus impulses. Moreover, " rage ", 
" pain ", and other " major emotions " also discharge 
characteristically into the sympathetic, as Cannon himself 
emphasizes. 1 So we are left, again, high and dry in our 
search for any specific meaning for the famous word " fear ". 
What must be done is to give up attempts to define 
conflict-emotions, and go down to the very roots of biologically 
efficient behaviour and discover the simple, normal Demotions 
that lie buried there. This book attempts that task. Tt 
attempts to describe the emotions of normal people, and 
people are not normal when they are afraid, or enraged, or decep- 
tive. When the simplest normal emotion elements are 
revealed, it becomes a comparatively easy matter to put them 
together into normal compound emotions in real life or an 
the psychological laboratory. It becomes comparatively 
easy, moreover, to detect and to iemove--tfA0 reversed inter- 
relationships between normal emotion elements which are re- 
sponsihle for these conflicts and thwarlings in "fear ", " rage ", 
" jealovsy " and the other abnormal states. 

In What Terms can "Normal Emotions" be Described? 

Rut a person who calls himself a psychologist is in a peculiar 
position these days. Before he can write about the psychology 
of emotion, or intelligence, or, in fact, about the psychology 
of any human behaviour, he must define what he means by 
psychology. The introspectionistic psychologists, now con- 
sidered unscientific, regarded any exposition as psychological 
which described its phenomena in subjective or introspective 
terms. Now the introspectionists are pushed into the back- 
ground. In their place we find a great variety of teachers 
and researchers all naming their diverse methods and obser- 
vations " psychology ". We have, for instance, in the field 
of emotions, the physiologists, the neurologists, the physio- 
logical psychologists, the behaviourists, the endocrinologists, 
the mental-tester-statisticians, the psycho-analysts, and the 
psychiatrists. Each of these types of worker confesses himself 
to be a psychologist, and, moreover, each maintains that his 
are the only psychologically worth-while results. Psychology 

1 W B Cannon, Bodily Changes in Pain, Hunger, Fear, an$ Rage, 
New York and London, 1920, pp. 277-279 


to-day, like Europe in the Middle Ages, is being fought over 
by feudal barons who have little in commbn save tacit accept- 
ance of the rule that spoils shall be taken whenever and 
however possible. / 

In what terms, then, can we describe simple, normal emo- 
tions, with any expectation that one or all of psychology's 
warring factions may regard our terminology with aught but 
disdain ? I once made the mistake of using the term " will- 
setting " in a discussion of bodily emotion* mechanisms ; and, 
although, several American psychologists of various sorts 
strove manfully to read the article in question, all gave it up 
in the end. I once asked Dr. Watson a question containing, 
stupidly enough, the word " consciousness ". " I'm sorry ", 
said Watson, in a tone of genuine regret, " I don't understand 
what you mean, and so I can't answer your question." I 
once remarked to an eminent psycho-analyst, that I had 
enjoyed the play " Outward Bound ". " O ho ! " this friend 
triumphed. " So you have an Oedipus complex ! " then 
added, plaintively, " When are you going to learn psycho- 
analytical terms ? You might have told me about that 
Oedipus, instead of letting it out of the bag in that round- 
about fashion 1 " In the first two instances I thought I had 
said something, but found I had not. In the last instance, I 
did not think I had said anything, but found that I had com- 
mitted myself irretrievably. What is one to do in describing 
normal emotions ? 

Only this. One may try, at least, to " reinterpret and corre- 
late the old fog signals ", as Ogden aptly puts it, 1 and so 
correct some " errors in manipulating the logos " by an 
attempted application of " the science of orthology ". Which 
means, of course, that we first have to find out what the various 
types of psychological writers really are talking about, each 
in his own^ peculiar dialect. And then we have to devise a sort 
of psychological Esperanto, defining each new term, as we use 
it, with meticulous exactitude. The task is not an easy one. 
But to induce the different types of researchers in psychology 
of emotion to unite their efforts toward describing normal 
primary emotions would be worth any amount of effort. Each 
of the varieties of psychologist named has something Vital 
to contribute to this central problem, if he would only 'get 
over his language difficulty and play the game. 

1 C. C K. Ogden, Editorial : " Orthology ", Psyche. July, 1927. 



OUR problem is : What are the underlying desires, or wishes, 
that lead some scientists to insist upon mechanistic concep- 
tions, and others equally eminent, to espouse some form of 
scientific vitalism ? For in psychology, as in other sciences, 
a materialistic or vitalistic bias may be found at the root of 
nearly all factional schools, or contentious groups. Sometimes, 
of course, the underlying desire relates solely to the advaffce- 
ment of the personal fortunes of the workers concerned ; and 
such purely egoistic motives probably play a considerable 
part in the evolution of every scientific doctrine. In addition 
to this, however, originators and promulgators of conceptual 
systems of thought, nearly always possess hidden desires to 
push science in this direction or that, " for science's own 
sake ". The goal selected is the one that accords most closely 
with the basic emotional set of the scientific agitator. And 
the emotional sets of scientists may be classified, broadly, into 
two elementary groups, materialistic and vitalistic. 

The Mechanistic Set 

Mechanists are " hard-boiled ". They are chronic sceptics* 
and must be shown. They pretend to base all their conclusions 
upon material evidence, and seldom observe that their own 
aggressive disbeliefs in the existence of this or that are based 
upon temperamental rejection of the very proffered evidence 
which their creed holds sacred. Their rationalization of their 
own emotional bias runs something like this : Science is the 
study and exposition of material causation. " Material " 
means always " cruder, less complex forms of energy ". 
Therefore, true science is the study of the influence of simpler 
energy units upon more complex energy units. And, since we 
can account for everything we have experienced in tfcis way, 
why waste time imagining that there exists any other.type of 


cause or causation ? The mechanistic doctrine is pithy, 
succinct, and easily understood. Like the emotional set 
of its adherents, the mechanistic doctrine is aggressive, self- 
assured, and makes for rapid and decisive action. Scientific 
results, like other types of reward, are attained by action. 
Materialism, therefore, has proved itself a very useful agent 
in turning man's intellect from arm-chair speculation, to 
laboratory research. 

The Vitalistic Set 

Vitalism seems to associate itself very intimately with 
religion, and religion might be defined as an emotional police 
force for morals. The vitalises basic emotional set is subtler, 
more complex, and harder to define than is that of the mater- 
ialist. It seeks a more ultimate good for the self, and, at the 
sa*e time, desires opportunity to dispense loftier cheer to 
others. If mere physical fact interferes, at any point, with 
vitalism's sacred purposes, then escape is taken to the heights 
of imagination, where no physical facts exist. Nor do these 
occasional excursions prove wholly futile. Often the fugitive 
from reality returns to earth with new and usable inspiration. 
Physical facts frequently turn out to be chameleons, changing 
to richer and more varied colours under more vivid illum- 

In rationalizing his underlying desires for science, the 
vitalist remains true to form, starts with a priori assumptions, 
and ultimately descends to facts. He assumes, to begpn with, 
that physical phenomena cannot adequately be accounted 
for as mere results of physical causes. Therefore, it seems, 
we must further assume the existence of a first cause, or super- 
physical influence of unknown attributes. Granting the 
existence ol such an ultra-material agent, it is easy to assert 
that " He " produces, emanates, or is physical consciousness. 
From this point on, the vitalist descends into the same world 
with the materialist. Only, vitalistic causation proceeds in 
an opposite direction. Consciousness is a more complex, more 
ultimate form of being than is organic matter ; which, in turn, 
is more complex and potent than are inorganic energy units. 
Complex energy forms are regarded by the vitalist as more 
compelling than the cruder units. It is held, therefore, that 
higher fenergy units are the causes, and that simpler energy 
units aVe effects. " God made man in His own image ", and 


set him to rule over the beasts of the field. The beasts, in 
turn, rule the vegetables, and so on down the line. Science 
is conceived of by the vitalist as a study and description of 
the causal influences of the higher upon the lower, the more 
complex upon the simpler, the more conscious upon the less 
animate. This doctrine is utterly repellant to many scientists, 
because it bases itself, initially, upon sheer, unproved assump- 
tion, and because, with equal naivetd, it ignores countless 
instances, appearing in every day life, wheie determinative 
influences are exercised by cruder forms of matter upoji human 
consciousness itself, which the vitalist regards as the highest 
known form of energy. 

Existence of Mechanistic-Type Causes and Vitalistic-Type 


On the other hand, physical scientists who desire, IUF- 
selfconsciously, to uplift their fellow humans, endure with 
difficulty the thought that the destiny of mankind rests 
supinely in the power of the unbound electron. Mechanistic 
determinism is abhored just as whole-heartedly by many a man 
of letters who sees no logical escape from its tentacles, as it is by 
" fundamentalist " preachers who see in the triumph ot 
materialism a prospective loss of their own bread and butter. 
Most dreaded of all mechanistic tenets, apparently, is Dar- 
winian evolution. That monkey has made man in his own 
image is % felt to be a degrading thought. Why? Because 
such a conclusion is taken to mean that man, once made, 
continues to be controlled by the same elementary forces which 
originally produced him. But biological evolution, even if 
true, entails no such implications. Monkey (or the common 
ancestor), may have caused man to evolve into his present 
form ; but man, on the other hand, can now create new types 
of monkeys at will, by exercising a controlling influence over 
their breeding habits. And this is the very type of causation 
idealized by the vitalists. Man, the complex, sets causes in 
motion which influence the nature of monkey, the simpler 
animal. Moreover, while the materialistic supposition that 
monkey originally created man is beyond our present powers 
of verification, the influence exercised by man over monkey 
can be observed, any day, in the laboratory. In this argu- 
ment, at least, we must concede that the vitalists' variety of 
causation is more solidly upheld by facts than is the median- 


istic type of cause raised by materialists to epic grandeur in 
the saga of biological evolution. We must admit that while 
the vitalists begin their theorizing with fictional flights, the 
materialists conclude their doctrines with an almost equally 
speculative sublimation of their underlying emotional set. 
Also, in justice to both, it may be said that the vitalistic 
account of causation is just as much an accurate observation 
of physical fact, as is the mechanistic account. Simpler energy 
units constantly influence more complex units, and may, under 
favourable conditions, control their behaviour, while more 
intricate assemblages of force, by virtue of new attributes 
derived from their complexity, as constantly compel 
comliance from cruder types of matter, and do, under 
our very eyes, completely regulate the simpler energy 

-""Physical science must and does include both mechanistic 
and vitalistic types of causation. 

Science Musi Describe Both Types of Causes 

We do not know as a matter of actual observation how 
organic forms of energy originate. We do know, however, 
that such energy units exist, and that any life-possessing unit 
exercises spontaneous influences over inorganic matter 
throughout its life span. These influences are in every sense 
vitalistic-type causes. Even inorganic matter may spon- 
taneously generate causes of this same type. Radio-active 
metals, for instance, emanate energy particles regardfess of the 
nature of the environment in which these emanations take 
place. Physical science, without doubt, is held accountable 
for a full description of these phenomena. 

At the same time, life-possessing units of matter, such 
as plants and animals, are constantly undergoing modification 
as a resu^: of stimuli which impinge upon their organisms from 
the less complex material units of their environment. Simple, 
but intensely energized forces like wind or waves may destroy 
plant or animal organisms altogether ; or such forces may 
influence in conclusive manner the growth or movements of 
the more complex animal and plant organisms. In the case 
of inorganic matter, acids or single chemical elements vastly 
less complex in themselves than the radio active metals, may t 
attach and destroy the latter, or may hasten or retard the 
radio* activity. These are mechanistic-type causes acting 


determinatively upon energy units more complex than 


Interaction of Mechanistic Type and Vitalistic-Type Causes 

In addition to such wholly separable types of causation, 
science has still to deal with the interaction of vitalistic and 
mechanistic causes. It is in the discussion of influences inter- 
acting between complex and simple energy units that the 
greatest confusions and conflicts of scientific analysis arise. 
For instance, let Us suppose that science is called upon to 
describe the plant growing in a field. It can be shown defin- 
itely that the soil is delivering a continuous series of chemical 
stimuli to the plant. It is equally ascertainable that the plant 
reacts to these stimuli with a series of reactions peculiar to 
its own inherent nature. Some of these plant responses will 
result in the delivery of counter stimuli to the soil and some 
will not. Those influences which are exercised by the pl~%t 
over the soil will, for the most part, alter the soil in ways 
determined by the chemical power of the plant. In so far, 
therefore, as soil and plant interchange influences, it may fairly 
be said that the more complex units of energy composing the 
plant will dominate the interplay of causal forces. 

But, as we have noted, there will be many changes in the 
plant, as a result of reactions to soil stimuli, which will not 
direct any influence back toward the earth. Were these 
plant changes directed by the soil to its own ultimate benefit, 
then we might clearly assume that the simpler form of energy 
was in causal control of the more complex energy unit. That 
is to say, if the soil were able to use the more complex energy 
of the plant to effect its own enlargement, simply by stimu- 
lating the plant to act according to the plant's own principles 
of action, we might conclude that, after all, the balance of 
control lay with the simpler unit of energy. This would amount 
to philosophical admission that mechanistic causation holds 
the balance of power. But such does not appear*to be the 
case. Though stimulated to action by the soil, the plant 
reacts with its own energy according to its own innate princi- 
ples of action, and with reaction tendencies designed for its 
own ultimate benefit. With innate power to develop spon- 
taneously throughout its own life cycle, with a balance of 
power of interaction capable of changing the soil more radically 
than the soil can change it, and, finally, with a structure 
designed in such a way as always to react for its own benefit 


when stimulated to action by the soil, we are forced to conclude 
that the plant is a more potent generator of effective causes 
than is the soil. In short, a close logical analysis of influences 
interacting between complex and simple energy units would 
seem to show that the responses of the simpler unit are 
dependent to a greater extent upon the causal control of the 
more complex form of matter, than are the reactions of the 
latter upon the former. If a balance is to be struck, then, 
upon the basis of empirical observation^ between vitalistic 
and mechanistic types of causation, we should be obliged to 
concede to the vitalistic causes the final balance of power. 
But science is not called upon to strike any such balance; 
it is merely required to describe both types of causation, 
neglecting neither the one nor the other. 

Complex Matter-Units Possess Greatest Causal Power 

In the large, we may put the matter somewhat as follows. 
Science finds, in this world, units of energy of varying com- 
plexity. It finds that the complex units are capable ol exerting 
spontaneous influences upon the simpler units, and vice versa. 
It finds that simple and complex units customarily interact, 
each causing changes in the other. The balance of power, on 
the whole, in this interchange of causal influences, lies with the 
more complex energy accretions. Even supposing, by way of 
illustration, that lead was once responsible for the evolution 
of uranium, it seems now the fact that radio-active metal can 
create lead under our own observation ; while lead, if it still 
possesses evolutionary power, manifests it in too small a 
degree to be detected with available instruments. Perhaps 
inorganic compounds, millions of years ago, evolved plant 
structures. But now, at least, vegetable growths alter the 
entire composition of their nurturing soils, in the course of 
a few seasons ; while the ability of the chemical influence of 
the soil to change the fundamental characteristics of plant life 
is extremely uncertain. Monkey-like primates may have given 
rise, in the long ago, to genus homo ; but there is now little 
comparison between the influence that man is capable of 
exerting over ape behaviour, and that which monkeys may 
bring to bear upon man. It seems to be a principle of nature 
that once a more complex form of energy appears, it forthwith 
possesses greater causal power over simpler forms of energy than 
the simpler forms possess over it. 


But the mere fact that a quantitative majority of causations 
are of vitalistic type, does not in the least mean that science 
can neglect the huge, co-existing volume of mechanistic-type 
causations. Both aspects of causal description are required 
in all sciences. In physics, for example, which seeks to 
describe the most ultimate, or elementary reaction tendencies 
of matter, the attempt is now being made to resolve all complex 
masses into ultra-simple proton and electron systems. The 
influence of each proton-electron microcosm, then, must be 
traced in its most far-reaching effects upon the physical 
behaviour of the macrocosmic mass of which it forms a single 
unit. The causal influences of the total mass, on the other 
hand, upon its constituent proton-electron systems, and upon 
other free-lance proton-electron systems, must be described. 

Chemistry, starting with already complex units of matter, 
the atom and the molecule, seeks to describe the causal effect 
of atoms upon molecules, and of molecules upon their con- 
stituent atoms, and upon other atoms, free 01 in other mole- 
cular systems of combination. Complexly organized groups 
of molecules, also, are studied by chemistry, which attempts 
to trace the influences which single molecules exercise upon 
organic and inorganic compounds, and the causal effects of 
such compounds upon the simpler, molecular units. 

From chemistry we step over the border line between 
inorganic and organic matter into the field of the sciences which 
deal with living organisms. In botany an attempt is made to 
analyze plant structures into cellular units. The effects of 
these units, together with the influences of still simpler 
inorganic units upon complex plant structures is then con- 
sidered. Slightly more important, perhaps, is the description 
of the manner in which plants utilize and react upon their 
environment. In the general science of biology, which serves 
as an introduction to the more highly specialized physiological 
sciences, it is interesting to note that animal organisms are 
classified into phyla, genera, and species, upon the basis of 
the type of action which each animal exerts upon its environ- 
ment, rather than according to the effect which inorganic or 
vegetable environment exerts upon the animal. Both 
aspects of scientific description are important in biology, 
however, as we have seen them to be in the other sciences. 

With the advent of the highly specialized physiological 
sciences, we find a group of studies whose special objfect is 


analysis and description of man himself. Animal organisms 
below the complexity level of man are, of course, constantly 
utilized in the physiological laboratory ; but such animal 
subjects are studied in order to apply the knowledge thus 
gained to further understanding of man. In other words, 
the purpose of the physiological sciences has become frankly 
vitalistic as to type of causation emphasized. It is desired to 
know how man reacts upon and utilizes animals less complex 
than himself, as well as to learn the influences which he is able 
to wield over his vegetable and inorganic environments. This 
underlying purpose of the human scientist appears greatly to 
disturb mechanistic -minded writers and investigators, and 
the repeated attempt is made to assert the equal scientific 
importance of animal and botanical results regardless of their 
ultimate bearing upon analyses of man's own creative ten- 
tLncies. Similarly, attempts are frankly made by material- 
istically biased persons to assert that man's behaviour is 
determined in its entirety by the influences exerted upon it 
by units of energy simpler than man himself. 

The truth of this assertion may be tested by examination 
of the nature of the nervous impulses by which, it is generally 
conceded, man's bodily conduct is initiated and controlled. 
Nerve impulses were formerly thought of as electrical dis- 
turbances. The energy travelling along a given nerve was 
conceived of as an outside force imposed upon the nerve by 
an environmental or physiological stimulus; that v is, by a 
stimulus less complex in energy organization than the nerve 
itself. Neurologists have subsequently discovered, however, 
that the nature of a nervous impulse is wholly dependent upon 
the potential energy already contained within the nerve fibre. 
A nervous impulse is now described as a series of explosions, 1 2 
dependent for their intensity and volume, not upon the 
intensity of the physical stimulus, but rather upon the in- 
trinsic structure of the particular nerve fibre stimulated. The 

1 K Lucas, The Conduction of the Nerve Impulse, London, 1917, p 23. 

1 A Forbes, " The Interpretation of Spinal Reflexes in Terms of 
Present Knowledge of Nerve Conduction, " Physiological Reviews, vol ii, 
July, 1922, p 367 : "It has been likened to the burning of a train of 
gunpowder, in contrast with the transmission of a sound wave whose 
energy comes entirely from its initiating source This fact, now well 
established, should put an end to all efforts to explain the nerve impulse 
simply as a transient current of electricity conducted along the fibre 
on thesame principle as in an insulated wire ; the dynamics of the two 
modes of conduction are fundamentally different," 


function of the physical stimulus is limited to an initial release 
of nervous energy accumulations more complex than itself. 
In no sense is the nervous impulse determined by, or causally 
dependent upon the less complex physical stimulus to which 
it responds, except in the single particular that the physical 
stimulus is responsible for the origin of the nervous impulse. 
Once the nervous impulse appears, it proceeds to operate on 
its owil energy and according to its own rules of behaviour, 
like all other complex forms of energy. The mechanistic 
thinker assumes that causal responsibility for the origin of 
the more complex form of energy implies subsequent' control 
of the more complex unit throughout its life span. Only if 
such continuous control were exercised by the simpler over 
the more complex could this world be regarded as uniformly 
mechanistic. As a matter of fact, however, the moment a 
more complex energy unit, such as the nervous impulse, is- 
called into being, it forthwith assumes control of its own 
behaviour, and, to a considerable extent also, it exercises 
control over the behaviour of the stimulus energy unit. 

The analysis of human emotions hereinafter set forth will, 
I trust, clearly show that man, the most complex of unit 
organisms, is similarly independent of, and influential over, 
the environmental stimuli which initially call into being his 


Assignments of the Sciences 

Psychology is the youngest and most undeveloped of the 
specialized, man-describing sciences. What is psychology's 
peculiar assignment ? What especial group of energy units 
must psychology examine, both with respect to the influences 
exerted upon these units by simpler forms of matter, and with 
respect to manipulations of simpler forms by the units 
described by psychology ? Physiologists, as we have seen, 
undertake to examine the effects of environment upon bodily 
tissues and organs. They also seek to discover the actions of 
the organs themselves upon the various vegetable and mechani- 
cal forces of matter which they contact. Neurology, which 
is also a comparatively new branch of science, is particularly 
interested in the effects of bodily organs and tissues upon the 
net-work of neurons constituting the so-called nervous system. 
More particularly is neurology interested in the influences 
exerted by nervous impulses over the various organs and tissues 


of the body. Is there any stabilized form of energy more 
complex than the nervous impulse ? The common sense 
answer to this question is " Yes, Consciousness ". 

Psychology's A ssignment 

Physiologists, neurologists, psycho-physiologists and possibly 
psycho-analysts, substantially agree with this answer. All 
these types of investigators assume, either tacitly or explicitly, 
that consciousness is a manifestation of energy which exists 
and reacts as a unit separate from mere intra-neuronic dis- 
turbance. If this separate existence of the phenomenon 
consciousness be conceded, then psychology's especial task 
must be the description of this most complex form of energy. 
And psychology, like all other sciences, must proceed to the 
analysis and description of both causal aspects of its subject 
.natter. The effects of nerve impulses upon consciousness must 
be discovered and analyzed. None-the-less importantly must 
the influences of consciousness upon nervous impulses be studied 
Through the mediumship of its influence upon nervous energy 
consciousness will, of course, act upon bodily tissues, 
and through the mediumship of bodily tissues, consciousness 
will be found ultimately to influence the organism's physical 
environment. To leave out any of these essential causal 
media which are interposed between consciousness and physical 
environment must be to leave a gap in the totality of scientific 
description. Such gaps usually make for inaccuracy. There- 
fore, it would seem sensible for psychology to base itself first 
of all upon neurology, relying upon the description of nerve 
impulse behaviour furnished by workers in that field. Thus 
may psychology find more or less ready-made its points of 
departure and application. 

If psychology's assignment be consciousness, and if con- 
sciousness lies in immediate contact with nervous energy, then 
the physiological changes which can be discovered in bodily 
organs and the observable physical movements of the body 
itself may be utilized for psychology's purposes in two ways. 
In the first place, bodily movements may be regarded as 
possibly symptomatic of a preceding psycho-neural cause. 
The proof of the existence of this primary, conscious-cause 
should not, as will later be set forth in detail, depend upon 
introspective observations. Definitive, objective criteria,ba?ed 
upon known structures and functions of the particular median- 


isms of consciousness, should be used always in deciding 
whether observed body changes or movements are the result 
of consciousness or not. In the second place, if such a change 
or movement is not the result of consciousness, it might still 
prove of interest to psychology as a causal originator of con- 
sciousness. That is to say, measurable bodily changes and 
movements may represent the simpler energy unit causes of 
the generation of consciousness, or they may represent causes 
of its modification. **Again we must emphasize the fact that 
bodily changes may or may not influence consciousness, and 
that the issue of whether consciousness has, in faCt, been 
changed is to be decided as far as possible upon objective, 
rather than upon introspective data. 

In summary, then, measurable bodily changes and observ- 
able bodily movements may be of value to the psychological 
investigator in one of two ways. First, it is possible that th 
psychologist may use the bodily change as an indicator of 
pre-existing consciousness. In that case consciousness is 
treated as a vitalistic-type cause, the effect of which is the 
bodily movement. Or, secondly, measured modifications 
may prove of value to the investigating psychologist as in- 
dicators of the consciousness which is to follow. In this case 
the bodily changes represent a mechanistic type cause of which 

the alteration of consciousness is a predictable result. 

Tyfies of Causes Emphasized by Different Schools of Emotion 

With such a preliminary view of psychology as that just 
outlined, we find ourselves in a position to consider the various 
aspects of psychology's task in which different types of 
workers specialize. 


The psycho-physiologists may be regarded as investigators 
who are trying to make careful laboratory measures of intra- 
bodily changes. More especially do we find this type of 
researcher emphasizing the mechanictically causal aspect of 
his data. That is, the psycho-physiologist seems especially 
concerned with trying to describe the consciousness resulting 
from the physiological changes measured. Following this 
"bias, perhaps, psycho-physiological workers have long striven 
in vain to prove that bodily changes constitute mechanistic- 



type causes of resulting sensations, and that these sensations 
are emotion (James-Lange theory). 

On the other hand, a limited number of psycho-physio- 
logical researchers have tried to utilize physiological measures 
as symptoms, or indicators of previously existing emotional 
causes. Association reaction-time tests, systolic blood-pressure 
deception tests, and galvanometric emotion-detecting tests 
may be listed as investigations of this type. Bodily changes, 
thus regarded, are tacitly treated as resultS'of emotion impulses 
acting as vitalistic-type causes. Though physiological psy- 
chologists have been severely handicapped by the senseless 
assumption that all consciousness is, in its final essence, com- 
posed of sensation, they have, on the whole, shown no pre- 
judicial bias toward limiting the use of their results by regarding 
them either as exclusive!}' mechanistic-type causes or as ex- 
Thisively vitalistic-type causes. In short, the psycho-physiolo- 
gists, for the most part, have made their bodily measurements, 
or they have recorded their subjects 1 introspections as care- 
fully, and they have icf rained from dogmatic assertion as to 
the type of causal conception, if any, existing between their 
two sets of data. 

Mental-T ester-Statisticians 

It is more difficult to place the mental-tester-statistician 
within the field of psychology as we have attempted to outline 
it. One is tempted to believe, at times, that this type of person 
is not working in the field of psychology at all. Yet even if 
this conclusion were justified, it would still remain true that 
the statistical-testing type of result is throwing invaluable side 
lights upon many strictly psychological problems. It is 
difficult to find intrinsic psychological meaning in the state- 
ment that Thomas Brown has made an army alpha score of 
200. There exists, so far as I know, no available key to the 
different elements of consciousness involved in securing 200 
on that particular test, nor is there an extant compendium 
detailing the psycho-neural mechanisms of causation employed 
by the subject in obtaining this unusually high score. The 
prevailing mental test meaning of the score is merely that 
Thomas Brown has complied with and dominated an arbi- 
trarily fixed set of tasks considerably more effectively than 
several million other persons have been able to do. If one 
would utilize this result in a truly psychological analysis of 


Brown, one must guess 'what psycho-neural mechanisms were 
called into play in this particular individual by the tasks 
imposed. Such an application of a test score to psychology 
is not as difficult as it sounds. After a little practical experi- 
ence with tests, one comes to realize that certain characteristics 
of consciousness such as speed of reaction and finesse of 
compliance emotion are necessary to the making of a high 
test score. This is the sort of rough and ready analysis of test 
results into heterog^neously named " mental traits " at which 
mental test specialists become extremely expert. To a genius 
like Thorndike, for example, who has spent many years in 
analyzing mental test results, the psychologically suggestive 
values of test tabulations are tremendous, if one may judge 
from his theoretical contributions to the psychology of learning. 
Accepting, then, this suggestive value of mental tests, rather 
than the statistical formulation of their results, as the chief 
psychological value of this method of investigation, we may 
regard mental test procedures as specializing in the vitalistic- 
type of psychological causation. The bodily performances 
of the persons tested are treated as symptomatic of conscious- 
ness energy and nervous energy acting as vitalistic-type causes 
of the behaviour measured. 


John B. Watson states 1 that in 1912 the behaviourists 
decided either to give up psychology or else to make it a 
natural Lcience. Many people are now inclined to believe that 
Watsonian behaviourists have carried out not one but both 
of these threats. Certainly Watson's mechanistic bias, backed 
by his extraordinarily keen scientific observation, has accom- 
plished wonders in converting psychology into an objective 
science. But, at the same time, there is considerable evidence 
that Watson himself has given up psychology altogether. In 
his latest text, he defines the subject matter of hianan psy- 
chology as " the behaviour or activities of the human being " 
but he explicitly excludes consciousness from human behaviour 
and activity. If Watson should succeed in this bob-tailing 
of psychology, he would have talked himself out of a job. 
For neuronic activity has been assigned to the neurologist, 
body tissue activity to the physiologist, and classification 

1 J B Watson, Behaviorism, New York and London, 1925, p 16. 
1 J. B. Watson, ibid., p. 3. 


of gross bodily behaviour of all anirtials, including man, to 
the general biologist. It might be possible, of course, for 
psychology to appropriate to itself the last-named function 
of biology in so far as it relates to the genus homo. In such 
case psychology would act as a sort ol clearing house for the 
facts of neurology and physiology, with a department for the 
release of composite motion pictures of whole human beings 
in action. But behaviourists, as a matter of fact, have not 
behaved as though acting upon such a concept of their scientific 
task. Watson, for instance, has reported to the literature 
many carefully controlled experiments in which he sought to 
analyze and explain the intra-bodily mechanisms by which 
the final gross actions were brought about. Watson himself, 
of course, is now devoting himself to business, and his recent 
expressions of lack of interest in attempting to describe the 
more intricate bodily mechanisms of response (particularly 
those of the central nervous system) are probably attributable 
to his personal lack of time for laboratory experimentation, 
rather than to any radical shift in scientific attitude. On the 
whole, then, we may conclude that the Watsonian type of 
behaviourism is merely a mechanistically motivated attempt 
to turn psychology into objectively scientific channels by the 
simple expedient of eliminating whatever type of subject 
matter the behaviourists feel themselves incapable of describ- 
ing. That the phenomenon eliminated chanced to be con-,, 
sciousness is unfortunate for " behaviourism ", not for 
psychology. * 

If, then, we dare to assume, in the very teeth of the 
behaviouristic tempest, that consciousness is a very complex 
but stabilized form of energy which must be included in the 
" activities of the human being ", we may conclude that 
Watson and his allies would be especially interested in the 
control which physical environment and bodily tissues exercise 
over consciousness. Watson insists that only mechanistic- 
type causes exist He regards the central nervous system 
as a mere off-shoot of the other bodily tissues which control 
it completely ; and he furthermore states that the responses 
of both bodily tissues and nervous system are wholly at the 
mercy of the physical environment, just as Atalanta found 
herself wholly at the mercy of the golden apples. 1 Almost 

1 J. B. Watson, Psychology from the Standpoint of a Behaviorist, 1919, ' 
Philadelphia and London, p. 3. 


in the next paragraph, however, Watson attempts to show how 
the human race can throw off its thraldom to religious and 
social convention and other environmentally determined 
influences. He has recently maintained that no more children 
should be brought into the world until parents have learned 
enough about them to regulate each child's life according to 
the principles of the child's own nature, physical, mental, and 
emotional. Surely no more striking faith in the potencies 
of vitalistic-type causation can be found than this statement ! 
If human consciousness were truly controlled by less complex 
energy forms of the environment, such dreams for human 
self-regulation would be sheer madness. The actively potent 
cause in the programme which Watson advocates is the com- 
plex human consciousness of parents, which, when it has been 
made still more complex by added knowledge, \\ atson hopes 
can control and modify the simpler consciousness of the child. 
It was not really the apples which over-powered Atalanta, 
but the more complex consciousness of Milanion who dropped 
the apple? . It seems to me probable, therefore, in light of 
this unintentional self-revelation on Watson's part, that we 
may, after all, expect the master " behaviourist " to lay fully 
as much emphasis upon analysis of vitalistic-type causes as 
upon purely mechanistic descriptions. These two aspects 
of any science are, of course, inseparable. And it is not 
reckless to predict that the behaviourists of to-day may be 
transfer ned completely into the psycho-physiologists ol 
to-morrow if procedures for objective examination and 
description of consciousness can be perfected. 

Psycho- A nalysts 

Lastly, we may consider, briefly, the causal emphasis to 
be found in the doctrine of psycho-analysis. The psycho- 
analysts seem to take an especial interest in the control which 
various conflicting and distorted elements of consciousness 
exercise over human conduct. This clearly is a vitalistic- 
type of causation. Yet when we penetrate one step further 
into the psycho-analytical teachings, we discover that the 
offending conscious elements themselves are regarded as being 
the product of still another type of entity, the libido. If, then, 
the libido turns out to be a mass of unconscious, physical, or 
physiological energy, the whole foundation of the psycho- 
analytical system must be regarded as thoroughly mechanistic. 


If, on the other hand, the libido is discovered to partake of 
the nature of consciousness itself, we might conclude that a 
vitalistic theme of causation runs back into the very heart 
of the psycho-analytical doctrine. 

The effects which physical objects and environmental 
situations are supposed to have upon the emotional conscious- 
ness of children constitute instances of purely mechanistic- 
type causation. That is to say, the psycho-analysts teach 
that the emotional consciousness of young children is peculiarly 
susceptible to being controlled, perverted, and mis-directed 
by irresistible effects produced upon it by less complex forms 
of matter in the physical environment. As the individual 
grows older his consciousness is thought to be less susceptible 
to damage or perversion from such causes, although when the 
libido meets with environmental enemies, these outside 
antagonists may exercise more control over the subject's 
consciousness than does the libido itself. On the whole, we 
may characterize psycho-analysis as a system of thought which 
assumes a continuous state of bodily conflict between the 
vitalistic-type causes, having their origin in the libido or in 
consciousness itself, and the mechanistic-type causes springing 
from environmental stimuli. The psycho-analyst's avowed 
intention is to ally himself with the self-controlling conscious 
causes existing in a subject, for the purpose of defeating the, 
mechanistic, environmental causes. These material influences 
are to be brought, if possible, into harmony with the human 
being's own nature. We may, perhaps, draw a general 
conclusion that the psycho-analyst believes psychology to be a 
s+udy of the conflict between vitalistic-type causes and mechan- 
istic-type causes, in so far as such causes relate to conscious- 


It may be well to summarize the causal emphasis of investi- 
gators making the most important contributions to psychology 
of emotions as follows : Psychologists who seek to make 
simultaneous laboratory examination of consciousness as 
reported introspectively, and of physiological changes in the 
subjects' body as measured by instruments of precision, are 
usually interested equally in mechanistic-type causes and 
vitalistic-type causes. These workers need not, and often 
do not, commit themselves very definitely as to whether 


consciousness has caused bodily change, or bodily change has 
controlled consciousness. No fault can be found with this 
position, though a hope may be expressed that psycho- 
physiologists may manifest a little more boldness in the causal 
interpretation of their results, once consciousness has come 
to be definitely recognized as a form of physical energy. 

Mental-tester-statisticians, working by a method which 
produces psychologically suggestive results of considerable 
value, may be saidto seek causes of vitalistic-type in so far as 
test results are regarded as revelatory of existing consciousness 
or conscious tendencies. 

Watsonian behaviourists, though ostensibly and aggres- 
sively mechanistic in their present propaganda, are found, 
nevertheless, to possess the most practical interest of all in 
vitalistic-type causation. For these behaviourists maintain 
that human beings, who are the most complex of physical 
energy units, possess the ability wholly to free their own 
behaviour from environmental control. 

The psycho-analyst takes especial interest in the relations 
existing between mechanistic-type causation and vitalistic- 
type causation. The existing relationship between these 
antithetical types of causal influence is conceived by the 
psycho-analyst to be one of conflict, and this conflict he would 
resolve in favour of the vitalistic-type causes. Of all classes 
V)f thinkers contributing to the problem of emotional theory, 
the psycho-analyst seems to be alone in his explicit recognition 
of the simultaneous existence of both types of causation, and 
of the scientific necessity for psychology to deal with both, 

Psychology of Emotion Tentatively Defined 

Applying our conclusions with regard to mechanism, 
vitalism, and psychology to the psychology of emotions, we 
may suggest a tentative definition of our prospective field of 
research. Psychology of emotion is the scientific description of 
affective consciousness. " Scientific description ", as herein- 
before set forth, must include discovery and exposition of both 
mechanistic-type and vitalistic-type causes and their inter- 
actions within the field defined. 

Concretely, we may expect to trace the origin of emotion 
to mechanistic-type causes ; that is, to nerve impulses, thence 
to bodily changes and, ultimately, to environmental stimuli. 
These three types of cause constitute simpler forms of energy 


than does consciousness itself. We may also expect to find 
that many elements of emotional consciousness are terminated 
by these same mechanistic-type causes. Unfortunately, also, 
we may feel rather sure that the conditioning of emotional 
consciousness upon environmental stimuli will be found under 
the control, for the most part, of mechanistic-type influences. 
That is to say, we shall find that the quality of emotional 
consciousness which responds to and reacts upon a given 
environmental stimulus frequently has been determined by 
chance repetition of that stimulus, or by the conditions under 
which the stimulus first happened to be presented to the subject, 
by his inanimate environment. If such be the case, the in- 
animate object, or simpler form of energy, is exercising com- 
plete control over the nature of the emotional response, and 
indirectly over the subsequent type of influence exerted back 
again upon environment by the emotional consciousness 
evoked. This type of causation remains predominantly 
mechanistic throughout. 

On the other hand, we must be prepared to regard bodily 
expressions of emotional consciousness as vitalistically caused 
by the conscious energy itself. In other words, we must not 
forget that physical or physiological behaviour which we regard 
as symptomatic of emotional consciousness, is truly a result of 
the physical causation set up by the emotion energy. Emo- 
tional consciousness is to be regarded as a vitalistic-type cause 
whenever it expresses itself by modification of simpler forms 
of energy such as nerve impulses, bodily tissues, or unconscious 
objects of environment. We may expect, furthermore, to 
find emotional consciousness acting as a vitalistic-type cause 
over its own less complex units. Larger and more complex 
units of emotional consciousness may causally control simpler 
units of consciousness by the round-about method of compelling 
nerve impulses, and, through their mediation, compelling 
environmental stimuli to manufacture new units of emotional 
consciousness made to order, as it were. Thus we find that 
the complete control of one's own emotional conditioning 
advocated by Watson may be brought about by vitalistic- 
type causation controlling and using to its own purposes 
mechanistic-type causes. This method, rather than the 
method of mutual conflict between two existing units of 
emotional consciousness each acting as a vitalistic-type cause, 
seems to constitute the natural means of emotional self-control. 


In short, emotional consciousness, acting as a vitalistic-type 
cause, may not only definitely influence nerve impulses, bodily 
states, and environmental forces, but it may also influence 
these simpler energy units in such a way that their powers 
of mechanistic-type causation shall be utilized to prolong 
or terminate the existing vitalistic-type cause emotional 

This detailed analysis of scientific causation as it appears 
in the psychology of emotion is intended as a preliminary 
determination of the requirements which any sensible theory 
of emotions must meet if it is to serve as a skeleton for research 
I may say, at this point, that I have not found the task of 
meeting these requirements an easy one. But when the re- 
.quirements are eventually met I believe that the resulting 
psychological structure should prove acceptable to all the 
divers cults of research contributors to the psychology of 
emotions. The benefit of such a truce in the present psycho- 
logical civil war would be great, for it is only by the establishing 
of a common working hypothesis that any substantial portion 
of these divers research contributions can be given meaning 
for all. 


THE question, " What is consciousness ? " has been asked, 
but not answered, since the first dawnings of speculative 
thought. The present age, however, can boast of a new 
question all its own : " Does consciousness exist ? " To one 
whose common -sense life has been spent outside the intellectual 
fantasies of academic shades this question might seem ludi- 
crous. Nevertheless, professors of the older school are begin- 
ning to experience a considerable degree of bepuzzlement when 
confronted with the task of convincing a healthfully sceptical 
younger generation that there is such a thing as consciousness. 

" What is it ? " ask the student readers of Watson. 
" Where is it ? Prove to me that consciousness exists ! " 

In vain does the instructor insist that " everyone knows 
what consciousness is, because everyone is conscious " ; that 
" many phenomena which cannot be ' kicked ' (seemingly the 
prescribed behaviouristic test for recognizable beingj, can yet 
definitely be shown to exist." 

" Very well ", reply the students, " show us, then." 

Objective evidence of the existence of consciousness must 
necessarily be indirect evidence, just as is the case with 
electricity, Hertzian waves, and even disturbances of pro- 
pagation in nervous tissue. No wireless wave, electric current, 
or nerve impulse is in itself sufficiently tangible to be made 
subject fo observation by human senses aided by such instru- 
ments as are at present available. The effects of these 
various forces upon observable materials, however, are 
accepted not only as proofs of the existence of the forces under 

1 " The Psychonic Theory of Consciousness " made its first appearance 
in the Journal of Abnormal and Social Psychology for July, 1926. The 
theory was amplified in an article appearing in Psyche for July, 1927. 
Portions of both ai tides are reproduced in this chapter, and the author 
makers grateiul acknowledgment to the editors foi their kind permission 
to reprint the material. 



examination, but also as scientifically descriptive criteria by 
which the nature of the unseen causes may be determined. 
Thus, an electric current may actuate a voltmeter or an 
ammeter ; a Hertzian wave may produce differences of con- 
ductivity within an audion tube ; and a nervous impulse may 
result in easily recorded contractions of a strip of muscle 

If, then, examination of consciousness is approached with 
similar objectivity, we must assume that consciousness itself, 
or the physical mechanism used to produce it, constitutes a 
definite, physical force, capable of registering its presence 
and nature by causing changes in some observable material. 
Further, this force, consciousness, if it exists anywhere, is 
to be found in the more complex reactions of the normal, 
adult, human being. In terms of the preliminary analysis of 
causation arrived at in our last chapter, we are now called upon 
to prove that a vitalistic-type cause called consciousness 
actually exists in some part of the human organism and that 
this supposedly complex form of energy exerts a measurable 
influence upon simpler energy units, within the body itself, 
capable of observation with the unaided senses or with 
laboratory instruments. 

Most of the human family have observed, without the aid 
o* a psychologist, that some human activities seem to the 
subjects themselves to be more conscious than others. Habitual 
responses, luch as walking, twirling a watch fob, or swinging 
a stick, often do not seem to be accompanied by any conscious- 
ness whatever. On the other hand, the making of momentous 
decisions which may occupy many hours, days, or weeks, 
exemplify the type of human action which seems to include 
the greatest relative amount of consciousness. The question as 
to whether or not habitual actions are, in truth, totally devoid 
of consciousness may be regarded at the moment as t purely 
academic. If our subjects unanimously report more of the 
phenomenon called consciousness in one sort of behaviour 
than in another, and if there are objectively observable effects 
which seem to proceed paripassu with the increase in conscious- 
ness, this constitutes scientifically acceptable proof that con- 
sciousness is a material force acting upon our bodies as a 
vitalistic-type cause. In exactly the same way, the fluctuating 
needle of the voltmeter is accepted as offering scientific proof 
of the invisible presence of an electric current acting as a 


vitalis tic-type cause over the materials of the instrument. 
Should this causally effective force, consciousness, be identified 
later with nervous energy in some part of the brain, it would 
still remain a vitalistic-type cause, that is, a more complex 
form of energy than the materials moved. Moreover, when 
psychology has properly performed its task, we shall hope to 
find physical consciousness explicitly described in terms of 
physical energy units. 

Our first question, then, is : What changes in bodily 
behavio.ur characteristically accompany this reported con- 
sciousness ? 

Proofs of Consciousness 

1. The more conscious a reaction is, the slower it is. 

It has frequently been observed that the more conscious 
an action is, the longer is the observable delay between 
reception of environmental stimuli and appearance of overt 
bodily responses. As already noted, habitual actions occur 
very quickly after contact with the stimulus ; whereas, in the 
making of momentous decisions, overt activity may be delayed 
for days or weeks. Reflexes like the knee jerk, where no 
accompanying consciousness can be detected by the subject 
himself, manifest a still shorter reaction time than the habitual 
responses ; while certain " thinking " activities, which may 
persist over a period of many hours, and which are, recognized 
as intensely conscious throughout the entire period, may never 
manifest a detectable ultimate response. One observable 
effect of consciousness upon bodily behaviour, then, would 
seem to be a lengthening of the time interval between stimulus 
and response. 

2. The more consciousness accompanying a response, the 
longer ic persists after the stimulus is removed. 

Quite in contrast to the first-mentioned result of the influence 
of conscious energy upon bodily behaviour is a second equally 
common effect. Strictly reflex, or habitual actions, tend to 
cease very quickly after the removal of the environmental 
stimulation that brought them about. For instance, a machine 
operator in a factory does not continue to press down the 
stopping lever of his machine after the machine has stopped. 
One does not continue to make watch-fob-twirling movements 


when dressed in pyjamas, nor to swing the legs in a walking 
movement after stretching oneself out in an easy chair. On 
the other hand, if a greater amount of consciousness is attached 
to a given action, the action is likely to persist for a much 
longer period after complete removal of the effective stimulus. 
Suppose a young man has responded to the stimulus of a 
chance remark that he is " mentally abnormal " by deciding, 
after some weeks of cogitation, to become a psychiatrist (an 
actual case which cajrie to my attention in clinic). He begins 
to act upon this remark within a few months by entering a 
medical school, but long years of training must follow before 
he can even begin to analyze his own personality. During 
these years he may not once have encountered any repetition 
of the suggestion that he is mentally unbalanced, but his 
original reaction, which was initially accompanied by intense 
and prolonged " consciousness " of both emotional and 
intellectual varieties, has persisted without abatement through- 
out a period of years after the disappearance of the environ- 
mental stimulus. Probably most physiological authorities 
would agree that such a tremendously extended response repre- 
sents not a single reaction, but a long series of reactions. 
Since most of these responses are centrally initiated, and all 
are unified to accomplish a single purpose, the original stimulus 
must have evoked a large volume of energy somewhere in the 
central nervous system which continued to control behaviour 
for a long period of years. In conformance with this idea, 
R. S. Woexlworth 1 in his theory of " tendencies to action " 
and " preparatory reactions " holds that " damned up 
energy " may exist in the central nervous system for periods 
of months and years, escaping in tiny rivulets as the dam is 
punctured by appropriate environmental stimuli. 

3. The more conscious a response is, the less its rhythm 
corresponds with the rhythm of the stimulus. 

Habitual or reflex actions show a much closer correspondence 
between the rhythm of end effect and the rhythm in which 
the stimulus is received than do more conscious responses. 
In the swinging of a cane or regulation of a semi-automatic 
machine, the rhythms of bodily response are adjusted auto- 
matically to the rhythms of stimulation. This type of adjust- 

1 R. S. Woodworth, Psychology , New York, 1925, pp. 82-84. . 


ment is still more marked in such highly reflex activities as 
skilled chorus dancing, playing the piano, or using a type- 
writer. On the other hand, the more conscious the action 
becomes, the more the automatic correspondence between 
rhythm of stimulus and rhythm of response tends to be broken 
up. Let the dancer become suddenly aware of her steps, the 
typist of the keys, the pianist of his notes, and the established 
rhythm is shattered. Grace dissolves into jerky awkwardness, 
speedful accuracy into hesitant blundering and rhythmic 
harmony to lagging dissonance. " Introverted " persons, or. 
those customarily given to expressing a great deal of "self- 
consciousness " while reacting to a stimulus, are notoriously 
awkward in games or physical exercises requiring close 
approximation of the rhythm of bodily responses to the rhythm 
of an environmental stimulus. Their physical actions are 
jerky, and indiscriminately slower or quicker than the rhythm 
of the physical stimulus to which they are attempting to adapt 
their own rhythms of action. The increased consciousness 
seems to interfere with the correspondence between rhythm 
of stimulation and rhythm of response. 

4. The more conscious a response is, the less its intensity 
corresponds with the intensity of the stimulus. 

Within limits, the intensity of simple reactions, involving 
little consciousness, corresponds rather closely with the 
intensity of the physical stimulation. A vocalist uncon- 
sciously sings louder if the volume of the piano accompaniment 
is increased. Small adjustments in the reactions of walking 
are made " unconsciously " in response to differences in in- 
tensity of pressure stimulation presented by the path along 
which one is walking. A slight up grade which increases the 
intensity of the pressure upon the feet and also increases the 
intensity of muscular pressure upon the proprioceptive sense 
organs, is " unconsciously " followed by corresponding 
increase in the intensity of muscular exertion. But in re- 
sponses which are reported as involving a great deal of con- 
sciousness, there may be little or no correspondence between 
the intensity of the stimulus and the intensity of reaction 
to the stimulus. In the case of the young psychiatric student 
just considered, the chance remark concerning his possible 
abnormality constituted a stimulus of slight intensity indeed. 
The same remark, or similar ones, had probably been made 
concerning nearly all of this young man's friends with no 


particular effect, yet in the specific case cited it released a 
volume of energy regarded as " conscious ", which was pro- 
bably many thousands of times as intense as the stimulus, and 
which was also more intense than reactions to other stimuli 
much more intense than this stimulus. On the other hand, 
instances might be cited where increase of consciousness 
decreases intensity of response as compared with the intensity 
of the stimulus as when the singer thinks " The piano is too 
loud I will sing pianissimo and force him to follow ". Or 
the reduction in intensity of the response may be a positive 
inhibition this in turn to be accounted for by the positive 
agency of some active force within the organism. An example 
of an effect of this sort is to be found in the total elimination 
of overt actions which is caused by " pausing to think " after 
experiencing an irritating stimulus. One child may slap 
another child's face with considerable strength. Remembering 
the nursery adage of " count ten before you strike back ", the 
assaulted youngster finds that by the time he had counted 
ten he does not feel inclined to strike back at all. Voluntary 
increase of consciousness seems to have eliminated reaction 
to an intense stimulus altogether. Consciousness, then seems, 
on the whole, to alter markedly the correspondence between 
intensity of stimulus and intensity of respose. 

5. The more consciousness attaches to subliminal stimuli, 
the greater is their tendency to summation. 

A stimdlus evoking little or no consciousness, so far as the 
subject is able to observe, and which is too weak to produce a 
response, is not apt to bring about the reaction toward which 
it tends, even though the " unconscious " stimulus be repeated 
a large number of times. For instance, during my first two 
years of residence in New York City, I passed the Metropolitan 
Museum, riding in buses or automobiles, probably a hundred 
times or more, without making any move toward entering 
the building. On one of my earliest trips up-town a companion 
had pointed out the Museum, and I had formed a habit of 
looking toward that side of the street in passing. But my 
subsequent visual sensations, though they controlled eye 
movements, evoked no thoughts or emotions concerning the 
building or its contents. In short, visual perception of the 
Metropolitan Museum constituted an almost " unconscious " 
Stimulus, of too slight intensity to arouse the reaction of 


entering the building, toward which it tended ; and constant 
repetition of this stimulus failed to bring about the final 
response. After more than two years of residence in the city, 
a guest from another part of the country chanced to expatiate, 
in my presence, upon the wonders of the Metropolitan Museum. 
This stimulus, though it intrigued my interest temporarily, 
and was accompanied by many fully conscious thoughts and 
feelings,also proved too weak a stimulus to result in a Museum- 
seeing reaction. More than a month later another friend 
expressed enthusiasm concerning the Metropolitan, arousing 
still more consciousness concerning it. This stimulus, added 
to the first highly conscious stimulus, sent me to the Museum. 
It seems to me highly improbable that the numerous habitual- 
view stimuli entered into the final summation of energy which 
brought about the response, or that another two years of 
viewing the building almost daily would have resulted in my 
entering it. One may argue, of course, that the two descrip- 
tions, by friends, of the museum's contents, were more intense 
stimuli than were mere views of the outside of the building ; 
and so they were. But the point to be noted here is merely 
that two stimulations which evoked much consciousness added 
themselves together to provoke a certain response, while a 
hundred little-conscious stimuli failed to bring about the same 
result. Many other instances of the same sort, from every-day 
life, might be cited. A person may gaze " unconsciously V 
at a store, as he walks by it, every day for months, without 
entering. A " window ticker " may then appear inUhe show- 
window, and the subject may become conscious of a momentary 
wonder as to how the thing works. Next day this same 
consciousness concerning the ticker may again occur. On 
the third or fourth day the individual is likely to enter the 
store and purchase the cigarette or other article advertised 
by the ticket. It is not our present task to speculate as to 
how the additional consciousness was aroused by the advertising 
device ; it is our present purpose to note that consciously 
experienced stimuli tend to add themselves together more 
quickly and effectively, upon repeated presentation, to evoke 
the reaction toward which they tend, than do stimuli " un- 
consciously " contacted. 

6. The more conscious a response is, the more subject it is 
to fatigue. 


The more consciousness accompanies any activity, the 
more quickly fatigue sets in, no matter whether the response 
is one of " thinking " , or one of violent physical exertion. 
Many a distance runner has found himself miraculously 
refreshed by some sudden roadside occurrence that " takes his 
mind off " his own movements. His fatigue, in other words, 
becomes less when the consciousness attached to his own 
running is lessened. A person whose continuous occupation 
is " thinking " aloiig scientific lines may learn to increase his 
attention-span, correspondingly diminishing his mental 
fatigue, by ceasing to introspect upon his own thinking while 
he is doing it, thus cutting possibly in half the volume of con- 
sciousness accompanying his mental activity. Eventual 
physical fatigue is inevitable, of course, as a result of muscular 
fatigue products generated in the course of strenuous exercise 
or work ; but the tirelessness of a well-trained and hardened 
body is amazing when the muscular tasks undertaken are 
regarded as mere matters of course, and are performed, as far 
as the subject can tell, unconsciously. The endurance feats 
of the American Indian, and the astonishingly continuous 
exertions of the pioneer type of person, in all lands, are illus- 
trations in point. Where much consciousness is, there much 
fatigue will be, also ; and the limits of endurance of uncon- 
scious activities, of all sorts, are difficult to determine. 


7. The more conscious a reaction is, the more variable is 
the threshold value of its stimulus. 

Another easily observable effect which consciousness seems 
to have upon responses to which it attaches is to render less 
predictable the exact intensity of environmental stimuli 
necessary to bring about the reactions in question. Simple 
reflex reactions can usually be evoked by physical stimuli of 
approximately the same intensity. There is a margin of 
variability even here. The knee jerk, for example, as^Carlson 1 
finds, shows marked increase of excitability, with presumable 
lowering of threshold stimulus intensity, during strong hunger 
contractions of the empty stomach. Nevertheless, even the 
difference caused by hunger pangs in the stimulus intensity 
necessary to call forth the patellar reflex, could not be measured 
outside the physiology laboratory. 

1 A. J. Carlson, The Control of Hunger in Health and Disease, p. 85, 
Chicago, 1919. 


Activities more complex than the simple reflex but still 
reported to be unconscious are definitely conditioned upon a 
specific intensity of stimulus. The unconscious response to 
the legend naming the destination of the street car or 'bus may 
frequently fail to occur if the electric illumination of the sign 
be reduced only slightly. Persons frequently fail to stop a 
street car because the letters of the legend on the front of the 
car are smaller than those to which they have accustomed 
themselves to respond. Machine operators who depend upon 
a certain sound in the machine they are operating to set off a 
reaction* of shifting gears, may fail to perform the required 
net if the sound has slightly less than the customary volume. 
A housewife, using an electric coffee percolator, and depending 
for a signal that the coffee is done upon a certain sound made 
by the bubbling water, may fail to turn off the electric current 
at the proper moment if the crucial bubbling sound be less 
in tense than usual. 

On the other hand, where the activity is more highly con- 
scious, it is impossible to name a fixed intensity of stimulus 
which will invariably set off a given reaction. Consider, for 
example, responses which necessitate a great deal of con- 
sciousness such as a decision to play tennis or to take a two 
hundred mile automobile ride. Upon one occasion a normal 
subject may assent immediately to a casual suggestion that 
the tennis be played or that the trip be undertaken. Next 
day, perhaps, no amount of persuasion or even moderate 
financial inducement would evoke the reaction bf playing 
tennis or driving the car. Should these very reactions become 
habitual, as a part of the subject's professional duties or 
principal life activity, his consciousness concerning the actions 
would be tremendously reduced, also the margin of vari- 
ability of the intensity of stimulus to which he responded. 
Again, it is necessary to call attention to the fact that we are 
not considering at the moment the psycho-neural mechanisms 
by which these differences are brought about. The significant 
point seems to be that when a large amount of consciousness 
attends a given response it may be evoked at one time 
by a stimulus of very low intensity and at another 
time it may require an exceedingly intense stimulus ; while 
if an action is habitual or " unconscious " it is brought 
about upon all occasions by stimuli of nearly equal inten- 


8. The more conscious a response is, the more readily 
it can be inhibited. 

Highly conscious actions are more easily susceptible to 
inhibition than are responses carrying little observable con- 
sciousness. A love response, for example, which may have 
occupied the consciousness of a young woman for many days 
or weeks, is frequently completely inhibited by a chance frown 
or impatient gesture, on the part of the loved one. The most 
fiercely aggressive purposes of an adult human male, carrying 
with them both prolonged and intense consciousness, may 
similarly be interrupted easily by inhibition at a crucial point, 
even though the intruding stimulus be of no greater intensity 
than the disapproval of a partner or the absence from the city 
of another individual concerned in the enterprise. On the other 
hand, habitual responses such as walking or finding one's way to 
one's place of business through crowded traffic of a great city, 
may fail to be inhibited or impaired in the slightest degree even 
by the most intense variety of stimulus such as business 
failure, or the loss of a loved member of one's family. They 
are inhibited only when brought into consciousness by the loud 
honk of an approaching motor. If an adult eats food with his 
knife, he can only overcome such a fixed habit by making 
himself fully aware of his act every time he performs it. If 
^person is performing a task which requires him to think out 
every move, a single suggestion on the part of another may 
suffice to* inhibit the response altogether. Consciousness, 
then, seems to be associated with ready inhibition of response. 

9. The more conscious two or more responses are, the 
more they tend to facilitate or to interfere with one another. 

There is, we find, another characteristic propensity of con- 
scious behaviour which very closely resembles the ease of 
inhibiting just considered. Reactions of a simple refl& type 
to which little consciousness is attached do not seem to be 
markedly influenced by other responses which may happen to 
be simultaneously taking place. Highly conscious reactions, 
however, are readily facilitated or impeded by the addition 
of further conscious elements of behaviour. An interesting 
experiment, frequently performed by students of psychology, 
is to train oneself to write automatically while performing 
arithmetical sums, or while carrying on trivial conversation 


with another person. When this ability has been acquired, 
we have a situation where two reflex processes, each as slightly 
conscious as it is possible to make them, proceed simultaneously 
without any observable influence one upon the other. Similar 
effects of the same sort are found in every day life. A person 
with very little social training can converse readily on super- 
ficial subjects, while dropping sugar or lemon in his tea. 
An automobile driver is required to manipulate the wheel 
with one hand, turn on the lights, perhaps, with the other 
hand, regulate the accelerator by pressing down with his right* 
foot, and let in trie clutch by raising his left foot from the floor 
of the car. Frequently he must perform all these actions 
simultaneously and without mutual influence one upon the 

What happens when the response is necessarily accompanied 
by a great deal of consciousness ? Suppose that a couple ol 
research students are deep in discussion of the apparatus 
required for a given experiment. Another student brings into 
the room a piece of apparatus which he has used in his own 
work. Inspection of his apparatus requires the initiation of 
a new and complicated group of reactions on the part of both 
students concerned in the original discussion. Yet their 
inspection responses will be sure to combine in some way with 
the discussion already going forward. The new apparatus 
may harmonize with the plans tentatively evolved. In that 
case a very noticeable increase in the vigour and vglume of the 
discussion will immediately occur. Or, as the apparatus is 
inspected, it may present hitherto unsuspected difficulties in 
the procedures under consideration. In that case the new set 
of reactions produced conflict with the preceding responses, 
the conflict manifesting itself to the casual observer in the form 
of hesitation, argument, and disagreement. There is little 
likelihood that inspection of the newly-presented apparatus 
can proceed simultaneously with the preceding discussion or 
that it even can alternate with this discussion without influ- 
encing it by way of facilitation or conflict or both. When 
responses already going forward attach to themselves much 
consciousness, it usually will be found impossible to undertake 
a new set of conscious responses simultaneously. If the 
super-added reactions fail to inhibit the preceding conscious 
behaviour altogether, which is always likely, the new reactions 
cojnbine with the old either by enhancing their efficiency 


)r by introducing obvious conflicts. Whether this result is 
iue to what has traditionally been called " increase of associa- 
tive connections " pari passu with increase of consciousness, 
:>r whether it is to be explained by some more explicit neuro- 
logical mechanism, the fact remains that the more conscious 
my two reactions are, the more likely they are to inhibit one 
another, to facilitate one another by alliance, or to diminish 

one another's efficiency by conflict. 

10. The more conscious a response is, the more easily it 
is abolished or enhanced by drugs. 

Highly conscious responses may be abolished completely 
by the use of drugs, while reflex reactions of low order involving 
Little consciousness proceed with only slight diminution under 
moderate dosages of anaesthetic. In taking ether, the 
responses carrying the largest amount of consciousness are 
first abolished. The " unconscious " reactions proceed sub- 
stantially undiminished after the patient has taken all the 
anaesthetic he is able voluntarily to inhale. 

Other drugs, such as various forms of morphia and Indian 
hemp, in certain appropriate dosages, produce tremendous 
enhancement of the most highly conscious reactions while 
having a negligible effect upon the more unconscious types 
Df behaviour. The highly imaginative writings of DeQuincy 
triay be cited as examples of intensely conscious responses 
greatly enhanced, according to DeQuincy 's own report, by 
appropriate drugs. These same drugs at advanced stages 
of their influence upon the body may abolish or inhibit the 
habitual reactions, also ; but the first effect to appear as well 
as the most quantitatively marked influence seems to be exer- 
cised upon the most highly conscious activities of the subject. 

W. W. Smith has shown 1 that moderate doses of alcohol 
produce what he calls an " all or none " effect upon the emo- 
tional responses of his subjects. That is, the highly Affective 
reactions carrying with them a great deal of consciousness 
require a much more intense stimulus to set them off. When, 
however, these highly conscious responses are evoked, their 
intensity is out of proportion to the intensity of the stimulus. 
We have already noted that conscious emotions were subject 
to greater variability of effective stimulus intensity and also 
to less close correspondence with stimulus intensity than are 

1 W. W. Smith, The Measurement of Emotion, ch. viii., p. 124. * 


the little conscious, or " unconscious " responses. Smithes 
work, therefore, seems to indicate that the influence of small 
amounts of alcohol is markedly apparent in those responses 
to which is attached the larger amount of consciousness. 
Drugs, then, whatever be the direction of their effect upon the 
body, appear to exercise their influence more clearly upon the 
reactions involving most consciousness. 

In summary, there are ten easily observable objective 
changes in human behaviour appearing Simultaneously with 
the reported increase of consciousness, namely : 

1. Logger period between application of the physical 
stimulus and appearance of bodily response. 

2. Persistence of bodily responses after the physical 
stimulus has been removed. 

3. Less correspondence between the temporal rhythm or 
intervals manifest in the reaction, and the time intervals at 
which the environmental stimulus is received. 

4. Less correspondence between the intensity of the final 
bodily response and the intensity of the stimulus. 

5. Increased tendency for several stimuli, each too weak 
to arouse the response by itself, to add themselves together 
and jointly evoke the reaction toward which they tend. 

6. Greater fatiguability. 

7. Greater likelihood that the same reactions will occur, 
at different times, in response to stimuli of different intensity. 

8. Increased tendency to be inhibited by stimuli of com- 
paratively slight intensity. 

9. Increased tendency to combine with, or to conflict with, 
simultaneously imposed responses. 

10. Increased susceptibility to the influences of drugs. 
These ten behaviour variances, then, may be shown to 

appear in human behaviour pari passu with the reported 
appearance of consciousness. Like the sparks from Ben 
Franklfn's kite-string they reveal a specific but as yet un- 
described type of energy. Is this energy identical with 
consciousness ? 

There is, of course, a logical possibility, not to be overlooked, 
that the effects noted may be ascribable to the same vitalistic- 
type cause that simultaneously produces consciousness, 
instead of the effects being ascribable to consciousness itself 
acting as a vitalistic-type cause. Elaboration of this logical 
issutf, however, is largely academic. All the effects noted 


must be attributed, because of their positive nature, to some 
form of potent energy ; and it is more of a philosophical than 
a psychological issue to decide whether this potent energy 
causes consciousness or is consciousness. The later form of 
expression seems, for scientific purposes, more simple and 

If there exists, then, a describable form of energy somewhere 
within the human organism capable of influencing behaviour 
in the ways noted, and if this potent form of energy is always 
found appearing simultaneously with consciousness, we ma}' 
state, for psychological purposes at least, that lh form of 
energy thus discovered is consciousness. Should consciousness 
turn out to be an energy by-product of the primarily potent 
form of force producing effects enumerated, then we should 
find inevitably a new series of observable effects which the 
energy by-product, consciousness, exercises, both over the 
parent energy directly, or over the physical behaviour results 
supposed to be produced jointly with consciousness, indirectly. 

Consider an analogous situation. During electrolysis of 
water, two sets of physical phenomena are readily observable 
the giving off of hydrogen gas, and the formation of bubbles 
on the electrodes. For a time, after the current is turned on, 
these two sets of changes run parallel to one another, and 
during that initial period the mistake might be made of attri- 
buting one phenomenon to the causal agency of the other, 
instead of considering both as results of a common cause, the 
electric current. But, after a short time, the formation of 
bubbles interferes, slightly, with the passage of the current, 
so that the more bubbles are formed, the less hydrogen is 
given off. This change in relationship reveals, at once, that 
a common cause of both phenomena must be sought. So 
far as my own researches reveal, there is no indication of a 
change in the parallel relationship between symptomatic 
behaviour and consciousness, which might suggest that both 
are attributable to a common cause. In short, granted a 
complete correspondence between symptomatic behaviour 
effects, and the appearance of consciousness without sub- 
sidiary variance, there is strong likelihood that consciousness 
and the primarily potent energy cause of the behaviour 
symptoms are identical. When the nature of this energy is 
discovered, it can definitely be described, like any other form 
of energy. 


Consciousness Is Not Intra-neuronic Energy 

What, then, is the nature of this conscious-energy ? Where 
is it to be found ? The simplest suggestion, in answer to 
these questions, seems to be that consciousness, in its physical 
aspect, is merely intra-neuronic energy. When physiologists, 
who naturally tend toward this hypothesis, are asked to account 
for the presence of much consciousness in some responses, and 
little or no consciousness in others, they^reply that only in 
the more highly evolved portions of the bVain is there a suffi- 
cient accumulation of nervous energy, or a sufficient intensity, 
or some other attribute ol nervous energy, to produce con- 
sciousness. A few theorists may, perhaps, suggest that 
somewhere in the brain is a special kind of nerve cell capable 
of manufacturing conscious energy ; but, so far as reported 
to the literature, no new type of brain cell, differing basically 
from neurones in other parts of the central nervous system, 
has been discovered. Such a suggestion, therefore, repre- 
sents sheer imaginative speculation, and need not be resorted 
to until all known sources have failed to yield a trace of identi- 
fication of any known form of energy with consciousness. 
What, then, of the physiologist's proposition that a sufficient 
mass of nerve impulses, per se, may constitute consciousness ? 

Does nerve trunk conduction actually correspond with 
consciousness ? There are many difficulties in the way of 
such a theory. 

First, and most important, we find that the teij types of 
effect upon human behaviour enumerated above as probable 
results of consciousness, do not find their physical basis in 
intra-neuronic phenomena at all. They are, rather, attri- 
butable to synaptic influence. The ten varieties of end -effect 
mentioned, together with several other similar effects, are 
listed by Sherrington 1 as inhering in reflex-arc conduction only, 
and not in simple nerve- trunk conduction at all. Sherrington 
further Ishows that the salient characteristic of reflex conduc- 
tion is the fact that synapses are interposed in the total nerve 
impulse circuit. It is at these synapses that phenomena occur 
producing the effects reviewed. That is to say, the fewer 
synapses in any nervous circuit, the less prominently may we 
expect the effects which we have seen to be typical of con- 
sciousness to appear. 

1 C. S. Sherrington, The Integrative Action of the Nervous System, 
p. 14: 


The simple reflex acts, characterized by least consciousness, 
would contain, on the other hand, by far the greatest propor- 
tion of intra-neuronic disturbances, or simple impulses of 
conduction within the nerve trunk, and by far the fewest 
synapses. If these nerve trunk impulses truly constitute 
consciousness, as some physiologists maintain, there is a com- 
plete contradiction between evidence and theory. Where 
least consciousness actually appears, the greatest proportion 
of nerve trunk activity is to be found, and vice versa. It 
seems impossible, therefore, to define consciousness as the 
totality of changes, or energy within simple nerve tisSue, since 
this does not contain the mechanisms for the effects most 
characteristic of consciousness in our every-day experience. 
. In the second place, the same nerve trunks may be used 
for several purposes, that is, to convey impulses ultimately 
associated with two or more diverse varieties of consciousness. 
By the all-or-none law, each nerve fibre must respond in toto 
if it reacts at all. If, then, different units of consciousness 
ultimately appear due to ultimately diverse paths over tiny 
lengths of nerve trunk in the brain, could they escape marked 
resemblances, one to the other, when the greater portion of 
their purely intra-neuronic constituents had been identical ? 
Pain impulses, for example, seem to travel during the first 
part of their circuit, at least, over identical sensory neurones 
with cold, pressure, auditory, visual, and many other types 
of afferent excitations, modally distinct in consciousness one 
from the other. 

This point 1 has been adversely criticised by A. Forbes, 8 
of Harvard Medical School, who cites the work of Adrian and 
Zotterman. C. J. Herrick,' however, states, " From this it 
would appear that most sensory nerves may, upon occasion, 
function as pain nerves." Herrick holds that the painful 
quality of consciousness is superadded to the ordinary sensory 
consciousness of the receptor apparatus stimulated, unless 
the stimulation is excessively strong ". Moreover, according 
to both physiological and psychological theories of vision, and 
other senses, excitations ultimately producing different sensa- 
tions may originate in the same sense organ, thus making the 

1 The argument under discussion was advanced more briefly by the 
writer in " The Paychonic Theory of Consciousness," fourn. Abnormal 
and Social Psychology, July, 1926. 

* In a letter to the writer. 

8 C. J. Herrick, Introduction to Neurology, 1920, p, 277. 


long, afferent conductor paths to the higher centres identical. 
But no part of this identity seems to be left in the final sensory 

On the motor side, the term, " final common path ", speaks 
for itself. All motor impulses must travel final common paths 
with impulses originating from many different sources, so that 
all must have large identical elements of intra-neural excite- 
ment. Physiologists, to be sure, might attempt to avoid this 
further problem by denying the existence of such a thing as 
motor consciousness altogether, even though, in so doing, they 
introduce an inconsistency into their conception of conscious- 
ness by maintaining that half the nerve impulses of the body 
(motor nerves) are not conscious, while the other half (sensory 
impulses) are conscious. Without pursuing further, at this 
time, the arguments for and against motor consciousness, we 
may emphasize the fact that the lack of similarity in various 
sensory elements of consciousness initially employing identical 
afferent nerve paths still stands as evidence against the 
physiological theory that nerve-trunk excitement is con- 

In the third place, different neurons appear frequently 
to be used in manufacturing identical elements of conscious- 
ness. Centrally aroused sensation such as, for example, 
" memory " of the colour red, or of muscle sensations in the legjs 
or arms, or of the tone of a violin, may be consciously no whit 
different from the originals of these remembered .sensations 
when the sensations were evoked directly by environmental 
stimulation of appropriate sensory nerves. Yet we know 
that nervous impulses cannot travel backward down the 
afferent paths so that the actual nerve impulses responsible 
for the remembered sensations must differ greatly from the 
intra-neuronic impulses which brought about the original 
sensations themselves. If consciousnass consisted of the 
actual totality of nervous impulses concerned, in each case, 
then a remembered red sensation might be expected to differ 
substantially from red sensations which resulted from nerve 
impulses travelling up the optic nerve. Granted that both 
environmentally aroused red and the remembered red sensation 
utilized the same final sensory paths in the visual centres of 
the brain, there would still be the entire amount of optic nerve 
trunk energy possessed by the original sensation but not by 
its memory. Is it probable to suppose that this added incre- 


ment of energy, if this energy were consciousness itself, would 
add nothing to the totality of consciousness in the original red 
sensation ? 

This proposition might indeed contain greater probability 
were it not that the optic tract nerve trunks are of great length 
as compared to the microscopic lengths of conducting fibres 
in the higher centres of the brain. If each unit of nerve 
impulse energy is cQnscious, it is hard to see how the very short 
conductor tracts of* the cerebral centres could contribute a 
greater total amount of simple nerve impulse energy than could 
the long affeient nerve trunks ; and it is still more difficult 
to guess how the relatively tiny conductor trunks in the brain 
could contribute enough nerve impulses to obscure altogether 
the quantity of intra-neuronic energy contribued by the 
afferent nerve trunks. If, as previously noted, the presence 
of large identical units of nerve energy in the manufacture of 
different sensations does not make these different sensations 
in the least similar, no more does the presence of a considerable 
volume of nerve trunk energy in connection with a given sensa- 
tion seem to cause the sensation to differ in the least from an 
identical sensation manufactured without a similar volume 
or locale of nerve trunk participation. 

In the fourth place, although there seems to be a mnemonic 
factor intrinsic in the behaviour of a single neurone in forming 
habitual junctions with neighbouring cells 1 there clearly could 
exist no structural changes within the nerve itself which could 
actually constitute the process of functional conjunction, 
since this process by definition takes place in the synapse, 
externally to the intra-cellular protoplasms of all neurones 
concerned. Thus no train of consciousness could be consecu- 
tive or continuous, if it were regarded as being constituted by 
the changes within any nerve cell in a reflex arc, for whenever 
any nervous impulse passed from neurone to neurone the 
propagation of energy between the cells would be of a totally 
different nature 8 and so it would no longer be included in our 

1 C. J. Herrick, Neurological Foundations of Animal Behavior, New 
York, 1924, p. 112. 

2 C. S. Sherrington states : " . . . the intercalation of a trans - 
vcise surface of separation or rrembrane into the conductor must 
modify the conduction," and : "It (the synaptic membrane) would be 
a mechanism where nervous conduction, especially if predominantly 
physical in nature, might have grafted upon it characteis ju3t such as 
those differentiating reflex-arc conduction irom nerve-tiunk> con- 
duction." The Integrative Action of the Nervous System, p. 17. 


definition of " consciousness ". Moreover, since all facili- 
tations and conflicts between impulses seeking to use a common 
neural path must occur for the most part in the synapses 
between the antagonistic neurones and the cell which both 
sets of impulses are seeking to enter, such alliances and 
antagonisms could find no counterpart among " conscious " 
phenomena, were the latter confined to intra-neural activities. 
Yet frequently reported " feelings of conflict ", " conscious 
thwartedness ", and, on the other hand, "'relief " and " feel- 
ings of harmony " seem most probably to depend upon these 
very extrinsic relationships between opposed and allied nerve 
impulses which we have been considering. 

Finally, we know that different rhythms of stimulation, 
simultaneously applied, and using the same final common 
path to evoke the same muscular response, do not interfere 
with each other or break up the existing rhythm of response. 1 
This would indicate that two separate nervous impulses, 
though they may use the same neurones simultaneously, do 
not fuse or combine in any way within the conductor nerve 
cells. If this be so, then identification of " consciousness " 
with intra-neuronic change would leave totally unaccounted 
for all those " psychological " fusions, alterations, and re- 
combinations of " conscious " elements which are continually 
reported by nearly all observers. If such fusions actually do 
occur, as supposed, at the synapses, no possible change within 
the individual neurones in any reflex chain could ever give 
them " conscious " representation. 

Consciousness is Synaptic Energy 

We have seen, during the foregoing brief review, that there 
exist substantial objections to the definition of consciousness 
in terms ot nervous impulses. We have, therefore, the question 
still with us : What is consciousness ? Before discussing the 
intra-neuronic theory of consciousness, ten types of effect 
which consciousness seems to have upon human behaviour 
were mentioned. These ten types of influence were cited as 
proof that an active energy is generated somewhere in the 
human organism possessing the attributes of consciousness. 
During discussion of the first of our reasons for rejecting the 
intra-neuronic theory, the fact was disclosed that, although 

1 C. S. Sherrington, The Integrative Action of the Nervous System, 
p. i&. 


the ten types of conscious influence do not have their causal 
origin in nerve impulses of conduction, their origin is attributed 
by neurological authorities to whatever happens at the 
synapse. Sherrington lists some thirteen of fourteen phen- 
omena as characteristic of synaptic influence upon nerve 
conduction as follows 1 : 

i latent period 

2 after discharge 

3 loss of correspondence between rhythm of stimulus and 
rhythm of end effect 

4 interference with grading of intensity 

5 temporal summation 

6 fatiguability 

7 variability of threshold value of the stimulus 

8 inhibition 

9 mutual facilitation and conflict of impulses (treated 

separately in Sherrington 7 s original work) 
10 increased susceptibility to drugs : also, irreversibility 
of direction of nerve impulses, marked refractory 
period, " bahnung ", shock, dependence upon blood 

It will be noted that the first ten synaptic influences listed 
correspond to the ten influences consciousness exerts over 
human behaviour. It is quite easy, also, to discover close 
correspondence between consciousness and the other synaptic 
influences mentioned. Such discussion of these further 
correspondences is omitted in order to avoid too technical 
an excursion into neurological subject matter. 

While human reactions, from the simplest to the most com- 
plex, probably depend upon reflex arc conduction, each arc 
containing, according to Sherrington,* at least three neurones 
and, therefore, two synapses, the more complex the reaction, 
the more complex must be the reflex arcs involved. That is, 
the more synapses have to be passed in any response, tne more 
must be the synaptic phenomena under consideration. As 
the complexity of the arc is increased, the greater will be the 
volume of synaptic energy as compared to the volume of simple 
nerve trunk energy. And, as we have observed, the greater 

1 C. S. Sherrington, The Iwtegrative Action of the Nervous System, 
p. 14. 

1 "The reflex-arc consists, therefore, of at Jeast thre$ neurones," 
Sherrington, %bid t p. 35. * 


the complexity of the reaction the more consciousness is to 
be found accompanying it. Simple reflexes and habitual 
actions are brought about by a maximum of nerve trunk 
energy and a minimum of synaptic energy. Simple reflex 
responses contain little, or no, consciousness, which the subject 
himself can observe. Complex subjective responses involve a 
maximum of synaptic energy, and a minimum of nerve trunk 
activity. These are the responses which are uniformly 
regarded as containing a maximum amount of consciousness. 

The intra-neuronic tlieoiy supposes that consciousness 
appears cnly in the higher centres of the brain, because in 
no other place is to be found sufficient concentration of nerve 
impulse energy which is regarded as a physical basis for con- 
sciousness. " The higher centres " referred to, however, are 
located in the grey matter of the brain, and the grey matter is 
characterized chiefly by the enormous number of synaptic 
connections which are there operative. The grey matter is, 
in fact, chiefly composed of microscopically small neurones, 
each forming a large number of synapses with many similar 
neurones. The cerebral centres, therefore, where some 
physiologists suppose consciousness to be, are composed 
almost entirely of synaptic junctures. 

Granted that the physical basis of consciousness lies in tbe 
higher centres, made up chiefly of tremendous numbers of 
synaptic connections, this fact, together with the evidence 
offered that the effects of consciousness on human behaviour 
are also synaptic, lead to the conclusion that consciousness 
is to be identified with synaptic energy. 

Concept of the Psychon, and of the Psychonio Impulse 

" Synaptic energy " is, however, a somewhat vague term. 
Specific types of energy are customarily defined by describing 
the type of matter within which the energy in question takes 
its origin. " Matter " is a word that is somewhat out of 
vogue, since it is now the fashion to conceive of matter itself 
in ultimate terms of energy. Nevertheless, if one understands 
by the word " matter " a form of energy so permanently 
established that it gives rise to a comparatively uniform sort 
of experience, it remains a very convenient word to use in a 
discussion such as the one we are now undertaking. 

All physical science assumes that there is some sort of 
matter, moving. Description of any connected series of 


changes in any form of matter and its movement may aptly 
be termed a study of its " behaviour " in that particular level 
of complexity. Physics seeks to present basic descriptions 
of the behaviour of matter in its most elementary forms, the 
proton and the electron, and to trace the behaviour propen- 
sities of larger material masses back to the interaction of 
proton and electron systems, within the atom. Chemistry 
begins where physics stops, and deals with the laws of behaviour 
of the atom and the molecule, each containing varying numbers 
of protons and electrons. Chemistry deals especially with 
the laws controlling the combinations of atoms and molecules 
into more complex forms of matter. Biology deals with the 
behaviour of still more complex matter units, usually called 
" living organisms " of various sorts. Biology includes 
botany, which describes the type of living organisms called 
" plants " ; and zoology, which deals with another type of 
living organism called " animals ". Animals are matter-units 
of such extreme complexity, that their component parts become 
subject matter for several specialized sciences. Physiology 
specializes in describing certain parts of the animal termed 
" bodily organs ", and their behaviour. Neurology selects 
matter-units called " nerves ", upon which the behaviour of 
many bodily organs largely depends, and attempts to describe 
the behaviour of these nerves or neurones. If, then, there 
exists no further type of matter-unit capable of modifying 
neuronic behaviour, psychology, for all I can see, is out of a 
job. Shomd I become convinced of this state of facts I should 
feel compelled to consider psychologists in the same relation 
to neurologists as are carpenters to architects, and I should, 
for my own part, try to escape the fixed limits of craftmanship 
by studying my way into the ranks of my immediate intel- 
lectual superiors. 

But, if, as suggested, there exists still another sort of matter 
unit beyond the neurone, capable of undergoing iti, own 
particular series of changes called " conscious " or " psychical " 
changes, and capable of modifying, by these changes, the 
behaviour of neurones, then, and then only is psychology 
truly justified in assuming a definite place among the physical 
sciences by the side of physiology and neurology. 

Neurologists inform us that a specific conductive structure 
does exist at the synapses in all types of nervous systems 
evolutionally above those of the coelenterates. " It is generally 

4 8 


Assignments of tKe Sciences 

Dcscript/ons or the Behaviour or Eoc,rfc 
Unjfs or Progressive Levels of Complexity 


Figure i 


admitted ", says Sherrington, 1 " that there is not actual 
confluence of the two cells together, but that a surface separates 
them ; and a surface of separation is physically a membrane. 
... It would be a mechanism where nervous conduction, 
especially if predominantly physical in nature, might have 
grafted upon it characters just such as those differentiating 
reflex arc conduction from nerve trunk conduction. 1 ' 

" In most groups of animals above the coelenterates ", 
says Herrick,* " the dells of which the nervous system is com- 
posed (or some of them) are related to each other quite differ- 
ently from those seen in the mesh work of protoplasmic -strands 
which compose the nerve net . . . there is a membrane 
separating the neurones. The presence of such a barrier at 
the synaptic junction does not imply that the neurones are not 
in protoplasmic continuity, for the separating membrane itself 
is living substance. What it does indicate is that there is 
a change in the physico-chemical nature of the conducting 
substance at the synaptic barriers. Langley has termed this 
barrier ' junctional tissue ', and of its great physiological 
importance there can be no doubt." 

Physiologists, then, agree that there exists a special type 
of matter unit at the synapse capable of giving rise to a special 
type of energy which differs, in essential respects, from the 
nervous impulse. Neurological authorities, however, are not 
in such close agreement concerning the physical description 
of this junctional tissue. In the case of the giant Mauthner's 
cells, synapses between these cells and adjacent neurones can 
be seen and studied under the microscope by means of pre- 
parations in which the material has been fixed and stained. 
G. W. Bartelmez originally reported 8 that the knob-like 
endings of the axone fibres of the eighth nerve were seen in 
contact with the surface of the adjacent cell. Bartelmez saw 
a distinct plasm, or membrane, over the root fibres ; and, 
where the lateral dendrite was cut squarely, a smaller *aem- 
brane could be distinguished around it. There is little delay 
at this synapse, yet Bartelmez found that two synaptic 
membranes forming a junction by contact with one another 

1 C. S. Sherrington, Integrative Action of the Nervous System, p. 16. 

2 C. J. Herrick, Neurological Foundations of Animal Behavior, 1924, 
pp. 104, 114, 115. 

8 G. W. Bartelmez, "Mauthner's cell and the Nucleus Motorius 
Tegmenti," Jour. Comparative Neurology t 1915, vol. 25, pp. 87-128, 


(From Bartelmez, Jour, of Comp. Neurol.) 

Uncrossed V3E 



Pen cellular Nef 

^"Plasmic Membrane 
-Lateral Dendrite 

PART A. " The detail of the VHIth nerve endings, and pericellular net of 
the lateral dendrite of Mautlmer's cell, drawn from a single section of an adult 
Arneiurus brain fixed in osmic-Zenker and stained with iron hematoxylin . . . 
The section passes obliquely through the base of the lateral dendrite, and 
shows the bulb-like endings of the VIITth root fibres, and the fine meshed 
neuropil of the pericellular not on its surface." 

Myelin 3heotK 

Glia Cells 

Uncrossed Eighth Root Fibr 
Lateral De.nd.rife 

InferiorYenfrical Dendrite 


PART B. " The right Mauthnor's cell from a young Ameiurus male, fixed In 
a formol-osmic-Zenker and stained with iron hematoxylln. A semidiagram- 
matio reconstruction of ten sections, 5/i thick, magnified 250 diameters, to 
show the relations of dondritoa and axone to the cell body and the two striking 
synapses of the cell, viz., the endings of the VHIth root fibres (Uncrossed VIII) 
upon the lateral dendrite, and the axone cap covering the medial surface of the 
cell. Only four of the cap dendrltes are shown." 


had to be energized before conduction could continue through 
the recipient neurone. Marui, who used different fixing and 
staining solutions, reported, 1 on the other hand, that he was 
able to trace tiny connective fibres emerging through the outer 
membrane of the club endings, and that he traced these 
minute, protoplasmic threads into contact, at least, with the 
adjacent neurone. Says Marui, " it is clearly shown that the 
intra and extra cellular neural fibres communicate with each 
other ". 

Bartelmez, in still a later paper 8 , criticized Marui's technique 
on the ground that he had used formol in the staining solution, 
and that the use of this fixative was responsible for the false 
appearance of intercellular fibres. Such connecting filaments, 
Bartelmez regards, therefore, as arte-facts. Sherrington 8 
in a recent citation propounds a theory of synaptic phenomena 
which seems to assume the existence of a membrane similar 
to that described by Bartelmez. Forbes, 4 on the other hand, 
has propounded a theory of the synapse based upon the idea 
that the various synaptic phenomena are results of nerve 
impulses in adjacent neurones being compelled, at the synapses, 
to communicate their energy through intercellular fibres of 
much smaller dimensions than the nerve trunk fibres. This 
view would be in accord with Marui's description of the 
physical appearance of junctional tissue, rather than with 
the view of Bartelmez. The exact structural description of 
the connective synaptic tissue must, it would seem, be left 
in some doubt for the present. I believe that it will make 
little difference to the theor}' of consciousness, herein proposed, 
whether the junctional tissue be thought of as a pair of sheet 
electrodes formed from the surface membranes of adjacent 
fibres, or whether the junctional tissue may eventually be 
described by comparison to the Tungsten filaments of electric 
lamps. Whichever observation may turn out to be most 
accurate, the evidence for placing consciousness at the synapse 
remains unchanged. 

1 K. Marui, Jour, of Comparative Neurology t Vol. 30, pp. 127-158. 

8 G. W. Bartelmez, " The Morphology of the Synapse in Vertebrates,'* 
Archives of Neurology and Psychiatry , Vol. 4, pp. 122-126. 

8 C. S. Shemngton, " Remarks on Some Aspects ot Reflex Inhibition." 
1925. Proc. Royal Soc., VCII, 519. 

A. Forbes. " The Interpretation of Simple Reflexes in Terms of 
Present Knowledge of Nerve Conduction," Physiological Reviews, 
Vol. II, No. 3, July, 1922, pp. 361-414. p 


In view of all the evidence, I submit the suggestion that 
the totality of energy generated within the junctional tissue between 
any two neurones, whenever the junctional membrane is con- 
tinuously energized, from the emissive pole of one adjacent cell 
to the receptive pole of the next, intrinsically constitutes con- 

In expounding this theory during lectures, I have found it 
very convenient to employ a single term descriptive of any 
particular unit of junctional tissue which may be under 
discussion. Neurology, the science of nervous behaviour, 
dubs its structural unit the "neurone". Following this 
analogy, I have ventured to term the structural unit of 
psychology, which, as a science, must surely undertake the 
study of " psychical " or " conscious " behaviour, the 
" psychon ". 

Propagation of energy upon any psychon, or unit of junc- 
tional tissue, is definitely dissimilar in nature to the passage 
of nervous energy through individual neurones. Following 
the neurological analogy to its logical completion, therefore, 
we may term any wave of physico-chemical excitation initiated 
within a psychon, a " psyihonic impulse ". 

It is clearly established by neurologists that the principal 
function of the neurone is conduction. It is my suggestion 
that the principal function of the psychon is consciousness. 
Whatever conduction of energy may occur across a psychofi 
seems incidental to the modifying major effect of impeding, 
regulating, and generally psychon's that energy in the course 
of its passage. The Tungsten filament in an electric light bulb 
conducts, to be sure, a certain amount of electrical energy 
from electrode to electrode; but the principal function of 
the filament is, nevertheless, illumination. Thus, while we 
may probably regard the psychon as a certain sort of conductor 
of inter-neuronic energy, we may adequately describe its chief 
property only, I believe, as the generation of consciousness. 




THE importance to psychology as a whole of obtaining a 
tangible psycho-neural hypothesis of emotion can hardly be 
exaggerated. At the moment, investigators in the field of 
emotions find themselves at sea between the Scylla of James- 
Langeism, and the Charybdis of youthful-minded adventurers 
in psychological research who would persuade us to hoist the 
Jolly Roger, abandon all theories, and all previous results 
and undertake statistical correlations of how all people react 
under all possible circumstances. These young pirates urge 
the irrefutable thesis that no knowledge is absolute, and them- 
selves conclude that any attempted formulation of discon- 
nected emotional data into anything resembling scientific 
law must be nothing short of maudlin. 

Such new-found insistence upon the sanctity of unrelated 
fact is commendable in so far as it places just emphasis upon 
objectivity of research method. But the history of psy- 
chology's elder sisters among the sciences, and even 
of psychology herself, reveals a certain dependence upon 
constructive theory. The laws of Newton, for example, have 
received important modification at the hands of Einstein and 
others ; yet who can doubr the central importance of Newton's 
hypothesis to the growth of physics, and allied sciences ? 
The atomic theory may be inadequate as a formulation of 
present-day chemical data ; yet modern chemistry has climbed 
to its present height upon the scaffolding of that same atomic 
theory. So it is with the James-Lange theory of emotions. 
Psychology may be just at the point of outgrowing it, but must 
we abandon ourselves, forthwith, to an orgy of unscientific 
disorganization ? 

Clearly, efforts are being made to drive the psychology of 
emotion in that direction. There is a certain self-important 



ease and nonchaiance to be obtained by the method of putting 
out one's research results bare of theoretical analysis that has 
its appeal. And there is less danger of being contradicted. 
Yet, if psychology is to become the same sort of science that 
neurology and physiology are, for example, it seems to be 
necessary for somebody to take a chance and construct basic 

Physiologists' Disproof of James-Lange Theory 

James* theory of emotion received two radically different 
formulations at his hands. The first formulation was con- 
tained in the simple statements : " We are afraid because we 
run away. We are angry because we attack." With this 
theory duly qualified, I am in entire agreement, and this book 
will be devoted to an attempted elucidation thereof. 

When faced with the necessity of explaining his radical- 
sounding thought, however, James slipped over into an entirely 
different theory of emotion which agreed, substantially, with 
that of Lange. It is easy to see how James was forced into 
this contradictory transition. He had observed, intro- 
spectively and objectively, that bodily changes " followed 
directly the perception of the exciting fact ", and that " aware- 
ness of these changes as they occur, IS the emotion ". But 
when called upon to state how we could be aware of thec 
changes occuring in our organism, as they occur, James found 
only sensory terms in existence with which to Ascribe the 
awareness in question. If we didn't have sensations of the 
immediately resulting bodily changes, how could we become 
conscious of them at all ? So James was compelled to suppose 
that the initial bodily changes stimulated somatic sensory end 
organs, in muscles and viscera, setting up a second series of 
reflex arcs productive of bodily sensations. Shrewdly fore- 
casting, perhaps, the reports of Lennander 1 and others con- 
cerning the paucity of visceral sensory mechanisms, James did 
not place the same emphasis upon visceral sensation as content 
of emotion as did Lange. Nevertheless, he accepted both 
visceral and kinaesthetic sensations as characteristic con- 
stituents. In so doing, we may note that James denied his 
primary thesis that " emotion IS the awareness of these bodily 
changes AS THEY OCCUR ". If emotion is made up of 

1 K- G. Lennander, " Leibschmerzen, ein Versuch, einige von ihuen 
zu erklaren," Grenxgeb. d. Med. u. Chir., 1906, vol. XVI, 24. 


sensation, then the important sensations are those set up as 
a result of initial bodily changes, and these sensations can only 
occur after the primary bodily changes. The refutation of 
this sensory-content formulation of the James-Lange theory, 
then, could be accomplished by showing that emotion persists 
after the sensations of which it was said to be composed have 
been eliminated. 

. Sherrington 1 s Results 

This work was undertaken by Sherrington 1 , who performed 
appropriate spinal transections upon dogs, eliminating visceral 
and most kinaesthetic sensations following emotional stimu- 
lation of the animals. Behaviouristic evidences indicated 
that the dogs' emotions remained unchanged. One animal 
was stimulated with dog-meat, a stimulus never applied to 
this dog prior to operation. Evidences of what Sherrington 
calls " disgust " immediately appeared. Neither memory 
of previous sensations nor previous conditioning of sympto- 
matic behaviour could have taken place in this instance. 
Sherrington concluded that emotion might be supplemented 
by sensations of bodily changes, but was not essentially 
composed of such sensory content. ,-^| */) a t3~P~ 

Goltz's Results l ! 

* Goltz proved, conversely, that all emotions but " rage " 
did disappear after decerebration of dogs, 2 an animal pre- 
paration permitting the sensations of which emotion is com- 
posed, according to James-Lange, to remain, but abolishing 
the higher correlation and motor centres. No pleasure, sex 
response, or even appetitive enjoyment of food could be 
aroused in an animal thus prepared. From various supple- 
mentary data, Goltz concluded that " rage ", also, was a 
product of the central nervous system, but at a lower level 
than that required for the other emotions. \ * ._ <^ . 

Work of Langley and of Cannon 

Another approach to the problem of determining the role 
that visceral sensations play in making up emotion was made 

1 C. S. Sherrington, " Experiments on the Value oi Vascular and 
Visceral Factors ior the Genesis of Emotion," Proc. Roy. Soc., 1900, 
LXV1, 390. 

F. Goltz, "Der Hund ohne Grosshirn," Arch, fur d. gesam. Physiol, 
1892, vol. LI, 570. 


possible by the work of Langley, 1 who described the " auto- 
nomic " innervation of the viscera. Langley's description 
indicated that if any part of the viscera were adequately 
inneivated, large allied areas must undergo identical changes, 
and would, of course, produce identical sensations. 

Cannon* was the first to apply this neurological fact to 
criticism of the James-Lange theory. After proving experi- 
mentally that practically identical visceral changes did, in 
fact, occur during " rage ", " pain ", and " fear " responses 
of animal subjects, Cannon pointed out that the conscious 
qualities differentiating these " major emotions " could not 
possibly depend upon sensory differences which did not exist. 
Cannon concluded, as had Sherrington, Goltz, and others, that 
emotional " response is a pattern reaction ... in which 
impulses flash through peculiarly co-operating neuron groups 
of the central nervous system, suddenly, unexpectedly, and 
in a manner not exactly reproducable by volition. . ." 

To an unprejudiced mind, not " brought up on " the James- 
Lange theory in its commonly accepted formulation, these 
physiological results would seem conclusive refutation of the 
idea that emotion consists of sensation. One loophole, 
however, has been pointed out frequently in discussion, by 
those who still cling to the sensation theory. Though any 
given emotion, experimentally tested, can be shown not to 
depend upon sensation, may not the emotion have been built 
up, originally, by compounding of sensations containing minute 
differences from other major emotional compounds, and subse- 
quently remembered in connection with that type of stimulus ? 
If so, the sensation compounds must have been manufactured 
prior to birth. For Watson has shown 8 that human infants 
are inherently equipped to manifest at least three responses 
of an emotional nature, " rage ", " fear ", and " love ", 
without passing through any preliminary learning process. 

Unsolved Problem 
Thus we return, perforce, to James' simpler statement of 

1 J. N. Langley, " Sympathetic and Other Related Systems of 
Nerve* " ; Schafer's Textbook of Physiol., vol. II, 616-697, 1900 ; also 
Ergebnisse der Physiologic, Wiesbaden, 1903, vol. II, 818. 

* W. B. Cannon, Bodily Changes in Pain, Hunger, Fear and Rage, 
1920, N.Y. 

8 J. B. Watson and Rosalie R. Watson, " Studies in Infant Psycho- 
logy/ 1 The Scientific Monthly, 1921, 493-515. 


his own theory : We feel in a given way because we act in a 
given way. And our awareness of our reaction as it occurs 
IS the emotion. Unless we choose, like Watson, to deny that 
" awareness " or " consciousness " constitutes a physical 
phenomenon which psychologists are called upon to describe, 
we find ourselves squarely faced with the same problem that 
forced James into that untenable sensory-content formulation 
of his theory which we have just discussed. 

The problem is : * How can awareness of reaction as it occurs 
be described in psycho -neural terms ? 

Motor Consciousness Theory 

Does anyone know why it has become so uniformly the 
fashion to assume that all consciousness is sensory in its 
ultimate nature ? Is not the denial of the existence of motor 
consciousness the real bugbear from which Watsonian behavi- 
ourists are fleeing in their insatiable insistence upon the 
importance of the motor aspect of behaviour ? Watson, for 
instance, inveighs with particular emphasis against " such 
elements as sensations, and their ghosts, the images ". " This 
thing we call consciousness ", he says, " can be analyzed only 
by introspection a looking in on what goes on inside of us ". 
And it is true, of course, that many very basic presumptions 
of present-day psychology have been adopted by tacit assump- 
tion upon originally faulty introspective evidence. Perhaps 
the non-existence of motor consciousness may turn out to be 
one of these unwarranted, introspective limitations upon 
psychological theory. We have already, in fact, reviewed a 
considerable line of emotional evidence plainly pointing to 
unmistakable affective awareness of reactions as they occur. 
Let me defy Watson's categorical statement that consciousness 
can be analyzed only by introspection, by attemping an 
objective analysis of the case for the existence of motor 
consciousness on the basis of the previously suggested objective 
description of consciousness itself. 

We concluded, in the preceding chapter, that inter-neuronic 
energy, supposed by Sherrington and other neurologists to 
possess entirely different characteristics from the disturbances 
propagated within the individual neurones, may be called 
" psychonic energy ". The further suggestion was advanced 
that there is considerable evidence for tentative acceptance 
of the hypothesis that psychonic energy is consciousness. 


Before continuing with this hypothesis, it might be said 
that the objective evidence for the existence of motor con- 
sciousness would not be any the less striking if we were to 
adopt other physical theories of the nature of consciousness, 
such as the physiological idea that consciousness inheres in 
every propagated neural disturbance. The general plan and 
structure of the central nervous system, and other points to 
be considered in favour of motor consciousness would remain 
equally applicable. Let us consider these points of objective 
evidence very briefly. 

Proofs of Existence of Motor Consciousness 

i. Biologically, motor function is primary and sensory 
and connector mechanisms secondary. Parker says 1 : " To 
state this conclusion in the terms used in the earlier part of 
this discussion, sponges may be said to have among their cell 
combinations effectors, but no receptors or adjusters. They 
mark the beginnings of the neuromuscular mechanism in that 
they possess the original and most ancient of its constituents, 
muscle, around which the remainder of the system is supposed 
subsequently to have been evolved/' " This last conclusion 
is reinforced ", says Herrick, " by citing a number of cases in 
the higher animals where muscle may act independently of 
nerves, as in the human iris/' Forbes, 2 in fact, has gonCj 
so far as to point out that muscle possesses capacity for the 
" single type of disturbance which seems to be a phenomenon 
common to muscle and nerve fibres/' 

It would be most unexpected, though of course not impossi- 
ble, to find that the motor element, of which sensory and con- 
nector tissues remain but slightly divergent modifications, 
should itself completely fail of representation in the product, 

2. , ^lotor neurones, in the central nervous system of human 
beings, are distinguishable from sensory neurones both as to 
cell structure and as to type of synaptic organization. 8 Motor 

1 Quoted by C. J. Herrick, Neurological Foundations of Animal 
Behavior, New York, 1924, p. 86. Quotation by Herrick, following 
taken irom same page. 

* A. Forbes, " The Interpretation of Spinal Reflexes in Terms of 
Present Knowledge of Nerve Conduction," Physiological Review, 
1922, Vol. II, 361-414. 

1 C. J. Herrick, ibid., p. 237. 


cells have been shown to possess larger cell bodies, with a 
richer supply of chromophilic substance. In fixed and stained 
preparations, this substance is seen arranged in definite, 
discreet granules, and not diffusely, evidently for the sake of 
facilitating more rapid and powerful nervous discharge. The 
motor pathway, moreover, contains a minimum number of 
subsidary synapses, the large and powerful groups of motor 
impulses thus sweeping onward to their appropriate organs of 
discharge with a minimum number of interruptions, once 
these impulse groups have won the right of way at the central 
synapses. The motor cells, in short, are constructed for 
carrying larger and more powerful units of energy ; while the 
sensory tracts seem designed to carry smaller but more 
variegated impulse groups. 

What reason is there to suppose that the smaller units of 
psychonic energy constitute consciousness, while the larger, 
simpler units do not ? Or, if consciousness is thought of as 
inherent in the nerve impulses themselves, why should more 
powerful accumulations of such impulses be supposed to have 
lost the conscious characteristic ? Moreover, the contrast 
between motor and sensory impulse characteristics, just 
emphasized, naturally suggests the corresponding contrast 
between the powerful but comparatively simple sweep of 
'^major " emotions consciousness, and the less insistent but 
more variegated awareness of discreet sensations. If we find 
two types pf neurone, two types of synaptic arrangement, and 
two types of impulse groups, what objective reason can be 
found for granting consciousness to one and denying it to the 
other ? 

3. Again, motor phenomena may occur independently of 
sensory stimulation. Any given impulse or battery of 
impulses may be blocked at its entrance to a common motor 
path, not by rival impulse groups, but by the pre>jjously 
existing chemico-physical conditions within the nervous 
material itself. If sensation is the sole element of conscious- 
ness, such phenomena could never attain conscious repre- 
sentation, for they could only result in absence of sensation 
on the arc ot stimulation. Is such an absence of awareness 
of motor obstruction compatible with the commonly observed 
ability of the subject verbally to report them accurately ? 

4. Affective states accompanying motor discharge give 


every evidence of being far more diverse than the ensuing 
sensations of resulting bodily changes could possibly be. 1 
Conversely, many investigators report great diversity of bodily 
changes (with necessarily corresponding diversity of sensory 
awareness of these changes) resulting from motor discharge 
accompanied by approximately uniform emotional states.* 
The emotional consciousness, in both classes of cases, is 
evidenced by verbal report, and also by observed motor attitude, 
or set of the subjects, both human and animal. It is amusing 
to note the confidence with which various experimenters 
purporting to be utter disbelievers in consciousness, name a 
given emotion, and assume its existence in the subject solely 
on the basis of a motor attitude naturalistically observed 
without instruments of precision of any sort. Can it be that 
these cynical objectivists are depending upon their own 
introspection ? 

If, however, we assume such reports to offer some degree 
of objective evidence in favour of the existence of emotional 
consciousness radically differing from resultant sensations, 
but closely agreeing with the motor attitudes, or pattern of 
the primary response, it becomes exceedingly difficult to 
correlate such emotional states either with sensations or with 
the conscious relationships between sensations. It is very 
easy, on the other hand, to account for such emotional con 
sciousness if we are willing to correlate it with " motations ", 
or simple units of motor consciousness and their in^er-relations 
in the primary motor pattern. 

5. Affective tone may, apparently, be changed by altering 
the motor set, without the slightest change in associated 
sensations. In a series of experiments upon myself lasting 
over a period of ten years, I have three times succeeded in 
eliminating altogether the unpleasantness of severe toothache 
by changing my " subconscious ", or " unconscious " motor 
set from one of resistance to one of complete acceptance of 
the stimuli imposed. Each time, this change of motor set 
has been objectively evidenced by faintness, pallor, and drops 

1 W. B. Cannon, Bodily Changes in Pain, Hunger, Fear and Rage, 
1920, New York. 

* C. Landis, " Studies of Emotional Reactions," Jour. Comp. Psy. t 
1924, Vol. IV, 447-509. (And other studies, all uniformly negative 
in findings). 


in systolic blood pressure ; possibly to be accounted for by 
an opening of vagus channels of motor discharge hitherto 
closed against the pain stimuli. Twice the full unpleasantness 
returned upon resumption of resistant motor set. 

Boring 1 and Carlson 2 both mention subjects in whom the 
unpleasantness of hunger pangs was absent. Instead appeared 
faintness, and passivity of motor attitude, nausea taking the 
place of food-seeking responses. I studied a subject of this 
type for three years, and succeeded in retraining her in such 
a way that hunger pangs now appear with very intense un- 
pleasantness. The change in the subject's motor attitude, 
from passivity to extreme food-seeking activity, which has 
accompanied this restoration of unpleasantness, is very marked, 
and is, to some extent, verified, also, by systolic blood pressure 
readings. Another preliminary experiment, performed in 
1926 under my direction, was the change in attitude of a 
number of subjects toward stimulation with hydrogen sulphide, 
presented at all times in a perfume bottle as a new type 
of perfume. 8 No pleasantness could be induced. But one 
subject, owner of a restaurant, so far lost unpleasantness, 
following change of motor attitude from resistance to accept- 
ance, that he failed to understand why several customers left 
his lunch room after the bottle had been freshly opened 
during meal hour. Olfactory fatigue or sensory adaptivity 
can be excluded because of the length of the interval, twenty- 
four hours between stimulations. 

All these results are very difficult (although perhaps not 
altogether impossible) to account for on the basis of changes 
in sensory consciousness alone. But the simple, obvious, 
explanation would seem to be found in the assumption that 
there exists a basic awareness of motations and their inter- 
relationships. Conflicts of motation, evidenced by resistant 
motor set, seem unpleasant : while removal of motor conflict 
seems to result in corresponding removal of unpleasant 

1 E. G. Boxing, " Processes Referred to the Alimentary and Urinary 
Tracts : A Qualitative Analysis," Psy. Rev. t 1915, vol. XXII, 306-331, 
at p. 320. 

2 A. J. Carlson, The Control of Hunger in Health and Disease, Chicago, 
Second Edition, 1919* p. 92 ft. 

8 Experiment performed by Tufts student, in 1925-1926, not yet 


6. I have pointed out elsewhere 1 that the work of Head 
and Holmes* furnishes striking evidence of the dependence 
of effective consciousness upon freedom of motor outlet, and 
consequent increase in the number of motor conflicts and 
alliances taking place in the central nervous system. When 
the inhibitory effect of the cerebrum is removed, through 
thalmic lesion, over-reaction and increase of effective con- 
sciousness simultaneously occur. I spent nearly a year trying 
to work out an explanation of this and' similar phenomena 
without departing from the fashionable assumption that 
consciousness is made up of sensations and their inter-relations, 
and nothing else. Herrick and other neurologists have spent 
a much longer period upon the same problem, faced with the 
same bugaboo of denial of motor consciousness. 8 Yet adoption 
of some such simple platform as the psychonic theory of con- 
sciousness not only permits, but necessitates, acceptance of 
motor consciousness as the true basis of feelings and emotions. 
By doubling the number of psycho-neural elements of con- 
sciousness accepted as basic, we do much more than halve 
our resulting complexities ctf psychological theory. All 
rouud-about influences of motor set upon sensation vanish 
from discussion, and motation may be treated with the same 
objective simplicity as sensation. 

But we have still to face the big guns of current psycho- 
logical opinion, for psychology, at the moment, unequivocally 
denies the existence of motor consciousness in any form. 
Whence arises this attitude ? 

Motor Consciousness Not Previously Identified with Affection 

The ostensible reason for denying the existence of motor 
consciousness, as customarily given in the older days of psy- 
chology when it was thought necessary to discuss the issue 
at all, was the lack of introspective proof that discernable 
elements of motor consciousness could be identified in connec- 
tion with resultant bodily movements. That is, in response 
to a given sensory stimulus, and with kinaesthetic sensations 

1 W. M. Marston, " Thoery of Emotions and Affection Based Upon 
Systolic Blood Pressure Studies, 11 Am. Jour. Psv., 1924, vol. XXXV, 
p. 496 ff. 

8 H. Head and G. Holmes, " Sensory Disturbances from Cerebral 
Lesions/' Brain, 1911, vol. 34, p. 109. 

C. J. Herrick, Introduction to Neurology, Phil., Second Ed., 1920 ; 
see especially pp. 284-290. 


eliminated in one way or another, an arm or a leg might be 
moved, yet the subject, who was, of course, prevented from 
visual observation of his own movement, remained unable 
to say whether or not any part of him had been moved. To 
be sure, the results of some of these experiments were seriously 
questioned ; and cases, equally valid, at least, were cited by 
Wundt and others wherein certain paralyzed patients reported 
" innervation feelings " resulting from will to move the 
paralyzed members. "In these cases no actual movement or 
kinaesthetic sensations of movement were possible. 1 

Similarly doubtful reports concerning observation of, or 
failure to observe the " innervation feeling " or supposed unit 
of pure motor consciousness, have been printed from time to 
time. But, of late years, the issue has given way to other 
controversies of more simple and immediate interest, and 
psychology has gone on, serenely, putting up as best it might 
with a single basic category of consciousness, sensation, into 
which all conscious experiences have been squeezed, no matter 
how distorted they become in the process. It is small wonder 
that many psychologists have found some comfort in assuming 
that meaning, intent, and purpose, and other conscious 
elements of obviously motor character must depend upon an 
immaterial basis 2 , since all available material basis has been 
pre-empted by the greedy presumption of sensation, and to 
define motor experience in sensory terms is an agony no 
accurate introspection ist cares to endure. 

Actually, psychologists seem to have failed to find motor 
consciousness, all these years, simply because they did not 
know what they were looking for, and consequently did not 
recognize motation as such, when it was repeatedly thrust 
upon their attention. From earliest known speculations 
concerning the nature of feeling tone, or affection, come 
repeated assertions that feeling tone inheres in sensation, or 
that the affective qualities of pleasantness and unpleasantness 
are integral parts of sensory experience. So close has the 
introspectively observed union between feeling tone and 
sensation proven, that it has defied successfully the attempts 
of the most severe logical analysis to pull it apart. Curiously 

1 For brief s ummary and discussion of this early controversy, see 
E. B. Titchner, Text Book of Psychology, New York, 1912, p. 169 ff. 

8 Wm. McDougall, for instance, holds that meaning, value, purpose, 
and unity of consciousness have no physical correlates in the brain, 
W. McDougall, Body and Mind, 1918, pp. 175, 271, 298, etc. * 


enough, it seems not to have accurred to these psychological 
analysts to perceive, in feeling tone, the simplest possible 
manifestation of motor consciousness, under normal conditions. 
Motation has been thought of as a sensory awareness of 
movement, and has, therefore, been sought in the impossible 
form of consciousness of passage of motor nerve impulses 
engaged in skeletal muscular innervations. Psychology has 
been looking for a sort of motor-nerve sensation, informing the 
subject whenever a motor impulse shall have passed over the 
nerve trunk under examination. Such awareness, if found, 
would still be sensory in nature. And were such an element 
of consciousness as an " innervation feeling " actually to be 
discovered, it must prove something of a mixture of imagined 
kinaesthetic sensations informative of movement, and sensory 
awareness of the object resisting movement (whether a limb 
of the subject's own body, or an environmental object). Such 
a composite experience would not, by any means, justify 
separate classification as a basically unique type of motor 
consciousness, since all its constituent elements would be 
sensory. Psychology, it seems, has been searching for a new 
type of being in the guize of a three-legged man, not realizing 
that, were such a person found, he would represent merely 
a monstrosity of the race already known. 

Emotional Stimuli are Central, Never Environmental 

There is, in addition, a psychological reason for psychology's 
absorption in sensation to the exclusion of motation. The 
stimulus to sensation is an obvious, environmental one ; 
while the stimulus to motation, assuming motation to be 
integrative, psychonic energy in the motor centres, is a hidden, 
inaccessable stimulus. The particular motor impulses which, 
in synaptic juncture, form motation, flow from a stimulus 
concealed within the central nervous system and consisting 
of tho resolution of sensory impulses evoked in the sensory 
centres by the initial, easily observed environmental stimulus. 
It is a commonly recognized fact that, while a given environ- 
mental stimulus always evokes virtually the same sensation 
on all occasions, these sensations may, at one time, be followed 
by feelings of pleasantness, and upon another occasion, by 
feelings of unpleasantness. The motor impulses evoked on 
either occasion can not be directly observed, though we have 
noted, earlier in this chapter, the possibility of indirect proof 


that different motor impulses are, in fact, evoked whenever 
different affective tones result. 

It is not altogether surprising, therefore, that psychology, 
like Tito Melema in George Eliot's Romola, has taken the 
seemingly easiest way out of a difficult problem, by denying 
all claims for recognition emanating from the hidden source 
of its supply. Thus have psychologists unconsciously sought, 
by ignoring the central motor impulse situation altogether, to 
obtain a false simplicity of scientific description which should 
define feelings and emotions in terms of sensory consciousness. 

Despite its present, fancied security, however, psychology 
cannot hope ultimately to escape the problem of determining 
the basic principles of both sensory and motor integration. 
It is by these integrative processes that the initial afferent 
impulses, mechanistically caused by environment, are manu- 
factured into psyclionic sensory energy units or sensations. 
It is by the now hidden attributes of these centrally produced 
sensation units that all forms of connective integrations, and 
motor integrations, are vitalistically caused. 

Analysis of Intervening Factors Between Environmental Stimulus 
and Bodily Movement 

The central, psychonic energy stimuli, which act upon the 
Afferent nerves by exciting motor impulses within them, 
possess individual characteristics as distinctive and as defin- 
itely discoverable as those now attributed to sensory stimuli. 
They constitute intermediate, vitalistic-type causes in the 
total chain of causation connecting environmental stimulus 
with final bodily behaviour. Their nature and, consequently, 
their influences upon motor discharge are not determined 
predictably by the nature of environmental stimuli which 
indirectly evoke them, because there are too many intervening 
causes which are shaped, primarily, by the integrative laws 
of the subject organism, and by the condition of the organism 
when stimulated. If all these variables were known, then a 
complete psycho-neural description would have to include the 
following items : 

i Mechanistic-type causes ; 

(a) environmental stimulus, causing 

(b) afferent, sensory, nerve impulses, causing 

(c) sensations, i.e. psychonic impulses in sensory centres, 




2 Vit alls tic-type causes ; 

(d) thoughts, i.e. psychonic impulses in connector 

centres, causing 

(e) motations, i.e. psychonic impulses in motor centres, 


(f) efferent, motor, nerve impulses, causing 

(g) bodily behaviour. 

The older, introspectionistic schools of psychology were 
inclined to skip from cause (d), thoughts, to cause (f) motor 
impulses, amalgamating cause (e), motations, with one or 
more of the foregoing units. It will hardly do, now-a-days, 
even foi psycho-physiologists, to consider causes (c) and (d), 
since both are damned by introspective colourings ; so that a 
wider gap is now left, nearly all psycho-physical accounts 
jumping from cause (b), sensory impulses, to cause (f), motor 
impulses. In such accounts sensation and motations, both, 
are usually treated as occurring somewhere along the line of 
sensory excitations in the central nervous system. But the 
Watsonian behaviourists are the nimblest jumpers of all. 
They skip jubilantly from cause (a), the environmental stimu- 
lus, to final result (g), bodily behaviour. What a world of 
psychological trouble they think they are saving themselves ! 
But what unbridgable gaps would be left in the causal chain 
between stimulus and response, if these behaviourists really 
followed their own descriptive formula ! It would be like 
throwing a few drops of acid into a huge vat full of unknown, 
seething chemicals, and then analysing a sample of the vat 
mixture to determine the control which the acid-stimulus had 
exercised over the original contents of the vat. 

The fault oi the fathers of psychology, the introspectionists, 
lay not in trying to describe too many causes in the psycho- 
neural chain, but rather in omitting one very crucial cause, 
motation. For, as we have seen, the motor nerves and 
synapses possess a unique structure and organization of their 
own, and therefore require analysis and description as a basic 
type of cause in the total picture. " In short ", says Herrick, 1 
" in both reflex and deliberative (including voluntary) reactions 
we may say that the nature of the neural process is abruptly 
changed when it ' turns the corner ' from the afferent to the 
efferent limb of the arc." 

J,C. J. Herrick, Neurological Foundations of Animal Behavior, New 
York, 1924, pp. 235-6, 


Reviewing psychology's attitude in denying motor con- 
sciousness, we may compare it to that of a little child who is 
able to appreciate the causal connection between his own toys 
and Santa Claus, or the delivery man who brought them to 
him, yet is utterly unable to understand where the new baby 
came from. He thinks someone must have brought it, as his 
toys were brought, and he is speciously satisfied when told 
the doctor delivered his little sister. Psychology has been 
able, so far, to connect its sensations with causes that it can 
see and touch, }et it seems unable to connect its feelings with 
causes that are hidden and inaccessible. So psychology is 
satisfied with the suggestion that its feelings are brought, 
ready-made, by the same general type of agent already known, 
that is, the environmental stimulus. And, psychology further 
reasons, anything thus obtained, including emotion, must be 
a kind of sensation. 

When psychology grows up, it will learn that there exist 
certain end-products manufactured exclusively at home. 
It will learn that, in the study of sensation, the stimulus is 
outside the body, while the response, sensory consciousness, 
is within ; but that, in the study of motation (emotion), the 
stimulus, connector-motor consciousness, is within the body, 
and the response, bodily behaviour, is outside. Both types 
o ^stimuli, and both types of responses must be described with 
equal objectivity. But easily observed environmental stimuli 
to sensation must be treated as causes, while readily measured 
bodily responses to motation must be treated as effects. If 
these underlying causal relationships are clearly understood 
and accepted, psychology should have a comparatively easy 
time of it figuring out the unknown quantities in both 


To summarize, I have tried in this chapter to set at nzyight 
the professional taboo upon motor consciousness. Analysing 
consciousness objectively according to either the psychonic 
or physiological theories, there are no less than six types of 
evidence tending toward the conclusion that motor conscious- 
ness must exist, constituting an equally important classification 
with sensory consciousness. Since the motor mechanisms of 
the central nervous system differ essentially in structure and 
organization from the sensory mechanisms, the suggestion Jias 
been made that motor consciousness in its physical machinery 


must be studied as a distinct and separate cause within the 
total psycho-neural picture. We have tried faithfully to set 
forth in order the series of causes which connect the environ- 
mental stimulus with the final bodily response. We have 
found one link in this chain of causation, motor consciousness 
has been ignored, so far, by all schools of psychology. Upon 
enquiry as to the probable reason for psychology's odd conduct 
in this matter, it has seemed most probable that motor con- 
sciousness has not been recognized because it has never seemed 
to occur to anyone to identify it with feelings and emotion. 
Psychology has been searching " innervation feelings " and 
sensation-like awareness of movement upon the chance of 
finding motor consciousness concealed somewhere therein. 
Bilt, of course, it was not there. Motor consciousness is affective 
consciousness. The simplest units of motation or motor 
consciousness are the feelings of pleasantness and unpleasant- 
ness ; while next in the complexity series of rnotations come 
the primary emotions. 

At the beginning of this chapter our analysis of physiological 
refutations of the James-Lange theory showed that by far 
the most important and pressing problem in psychology of 
emotions is the same problem that James first recognized and 
then answered erroneously. That problem is, how can aware- 
ness of motor response as it occurs be described in psychor 
neural terms ? This chapter has proposed a new answer to tins 
problem. We are conscious of our motor responses as they 
occur through motor consciousness, motation, or affective 
consciousness which are all synonymous terms. Motor, or 
affective consciousness is psychonic energy released within 
the psychonic, or connective tissues of the motor synapse of 
the central nervous system. 


DENIAL of the existence of motor consciousness has., brought 
psychology to an impasse in the field of theory of feeling tone, 
just as it has hampered the adequate development of theory 
of emotion. Wundt 's 1 tridimensional theory of feeling tone, 
propounded in 1896, constitutes the only radical departure 
from general agreement that pleasantness and unpleasantness 
are the only two primary feelings. Wundt supposed that 
there were six primary feelings : pleasantness and unpleasant- 
ness, excitement and depression, tension and relaxation. 
Wundt's theory was based almost altogether upon intro- 
spection, probably accurate enough as far as it went, but not 
linking up the four extra feeling tone elements with definite 
psycho-neural mechanisms proving them to be primary 

Titchener, also highly versed in introspection, maintained 
that " excitement and depression, tension and relaxation 
are general names for a very large number of different 
affections." 1 That is, Titchener's own introspection led him 
to believe that the extra feelings named by Wundt, did, in 
fact, exist, but that they should be treated as complex affective 
experiences rather than primary feeling tones. The only type 
of objective data advanced by Wundt in support of this sug- 
gestion consisted of studies (including measurements of 
physiological changes supposedly symptomatic of six affective 
primaries) designed to show that all six alleged primary feel- 
ings, as introspectively reported, occurred independently of 
one another, and especially independently of any connection 
with pleasantness and unpleasantness. S. Hayes, 8 and others, 

1 W. Wundt, Grundzuge der Physiohgischen Psychologie, ii, 1902, 
p. 263. 

8 E.B. Titchener, A Text-book of Psychology, New York, 1912, p. 251. 

S. P. Hayes, "A Study of Affective Qualities." Ph.D. Thesis 
Cornell. Am. Jour. Psy. t 1906, XVII, pp. 358-393. ' 



published studies precisely refuting the results of Wundt in 
this particular, tending to show that the four additional feeling 
tone experiences were either intimately associated with 
pleasantness and unpleasantness, or else were still more com- 
plex experiences not independently correlated with any 
objective criterion which could be set by experimental con- 
ditions. The whole controversy gradually petered out ; and 
with the decline of introspection is ts' supremacy very little 
has been heard of any list of primary feelings containing other 
elements than pleasantness and unpleasantness. We may, 
therefore 1 , confine our attention for tiie present to a discussion 
of the original pair of feeling tone primaries for the existence 
of which there seems to be ample evidence of an objective 

Primary Feelings are Pleasantness and Unpleasantness 
Originating in Motor Alliances and Conflicts 

Theories of the physiologists and neurologists seem to be 
fairly well in agreement that unpleasantness is associated 
with conflicts or mutual interferences between nerve impulses, 
while pleasantness is characterized either by an absence of 
conflict or by a free unimpeded flow of impulses in the central 
nervous system. C. J. Herrick 1 , whose opinion may be taken 
as fairly representative of the physiologists, says, " The normal 
discharge then, of definitely elaborated nervous circuits 
resulting in free unrestrained activity is pleasurable, in so far 
as the reaction comes into consciousness at all (of course, a 
large proportion of such reactions are strictly reflex and have 
no conscious significance). Conversely, the impediment to 
such discharge, no matter what the occasion, results in a 
stasis in the nerve centres, the summation of stimuli and the 
development of a situation of unrelieved nervous tension which 
is unpleasant until the tension is relieved by the appropriate 
adaptive reaction. " And again, " The unrelieved summation 
of stimuli in the nerve centres, involving stasis, tension, and 
interference with free discharge of nervous energy, gives a 
feeling of unpleasantness which in turn (in the higher types of 
conscious reaction at least) serves as a stimulus to other 
associative nerve centres to participate in the reaction until 

1 C. J. Harrick, Introduction to Neurologf, 1920, Phila. and London, 


finally the appropriate avenue for an adaptive response is 
opened and the situation is relieved. With the release of the 
tension and free discharge, the feeling tone changes to a 
distinctly pleasurable quality." It may be noted that Herrick 
does not specify in which type of nerve centres, sensory or 
motor, the unrelieved summation of stimuli or the normal 
discharge of impulses is presumed to occur in order to evoke 
unpleasantness or pleasantness. Herrick says, however, in a 
neighbouring passage-, that such a stasis may be brought about 
by the conflict of two impulses for the same final common path. 
Such mutual facilitation and interference of nerve impulses 
must be presumed to occur in some appropriate connector 
or motor centre of the central nervous system. 

The work of Head and Holmes 1 clearly indicates that what- 
ever changes in nerve impulse behaviour are to be associated 
with increases of pleasantness and unpleasantness are to be 
found chiefly upon the motor side of the various reflex arcs 
involved. These authors studied human subjects suffering 
from thalamic lesion. The most important effect of the lesion 
in these cases was to remove a considerable proportion of the 
normal inhibitory influence exercised by the cerebral hemi- 
spheres over the motor discharge. The behaviour changes 
as noted by Head and Holmes consisted of exaggerated 
physical reactions to sensory stimuli with parallel increase 
in* the pleasantness or unpleasantness which was felt in con- 
nection with the sensation experienced. There seemed to be 
no change in the sensory threshold nor any significant altera- 
tion of any part of the purely sensory reaction. The whole 
effect, in short, was upon the motor side rather than the 
sensory, and it was this increase in the number and degree of 
motor alliances and interferences which corresponded exactly 
with the increase of pleasantness and unpleasantness as re- 
ported by the subjects. 

As a result of this research and other similar data accruing 
to psychology from the medical sciences, it is generally assumed 
that the free flow of nervous energy as well as the mutual 
conflicts and interferences between nervous impulses which 
the physiologists and neurologists definitely correlate with 
affective tone, are to be looked for primarily in the motor 
centres rather than in the sensory centres. R. S. Woodworth, 

1 H. Head and G. Holmes, " Sensory Disturbances from Cerebral 
Lesions/' Brain, 1911, vol. 34, p. 109. 


for instance, expresses his interpretation in this fashion, 1 
" Putting this fact into neural terms, we say that pleasantness 
goes with a neural adjustment directed towards keeping, 
towards letting things stay as they are ; while unpleasantness 
goes with an adjustment towards riddance." A " neural 
adjustment towards letting things stay as they are " must 
consist of a free flow of unobstructed motor impulses, all in 
alliance, because all are directed toward a unified behaviour 
pattern of the whole organism which .is meeting with no 
opposition. An " adjustment toward riddance " must with 
equal certainty consist of a motor set rather than sensory set ; 
and carries, also, suggested implication that there is some 
motor conflict with the object which the individual would rid 
himself of. Motor sets, then, seem to be regarded as neuro- 
logically responsible for primary feelings rather than sensory 

How Do Motor Alliances and Conflicts Reach Consciousness? 

This result confronts psycho-physiological theory of feelings 
with the same problem faced by the theory of emotions con- 
sidered in the last chapter. The p:oblem is : If our primary 
feelings of pleasantness and unpleasantness depend upon 
alliances and antagonisms between nerve impulses in the 
motor centres, how does this motor phenomenon ever reach 
consciousness ? * 

Theories That Feeling Is an Integral Part of Sensation 

Two different methods have been used in attempting the 
impossible task of getting motor phenomena into consciousness 
in terms of sensation. The first method, employed by many 
psychologists of the older school, consisted of setting up the 
simple hypothesis that feeling is merely an integral part of 
sensation. Pleasantness or unpleasantness would then be 
referred to as aspects of sensory experience, and we should be 
compelled to assume there is no sensation free from affective 
tone. This assumption would not be so far from the truth, 
but it is far more difficult to account for the changes in feeling 
tone which a given sensation may undergo without any change 
whatsoever in the sensory stimulus. The change in feeling 
seems to accompany a change in motor response to the sensa- 
tion experienced, rather than to inhere in the sensory conscious- 

1 R. S. Woodworth. Psychology, New York, 1025, p. 178. 


ness itself. There remains also, the extreme difficulty of 
finding any neurological mechanism by which a motor effect 
that takes place after could be reflected back in such a way 
that it could become an integral portion of the sensory event 
which had gone before and which might well have been com- 
pleted by the time the motor phenomenon occurred. 

During my own approach to the problem, being awed, at the 
time, by Psychology's current taboo on motor consciousness, 
I worked for the better part of an academic year in trying to 
discover in the literature of either psychology or neurology 
feasible mechanisms by which motor conflicts and. alliances 
could be conceived of as adding feeling tone to their preceding 
sensations. The best expedient which I was able to hit upon 
was to suppose that a motor blockage might cause the sensory 
impulse blocked to increase ils intensity in the sensory centres, 
above the upper limen of qualitatively distinct sensory con- 
sciousness ; while mutual facilitation of motor impulses might 
be supposed to result in a drop of intensity in the sensory 
impulses below the lower limen of sensation. This theory only 
defined pleasantness and unpleasantness as near-sensations 
(that is, supra-liminal and sub-liminal sensory awareness), 
but it was the best I could do in warping motor phenomena 
into sensory terms. I thought the suggestion a rather 
ingenious one, at the time I worked it out, but after some two 
ytftirs of observation and experiment I found that there was 
just one trouble with the theory. It wasn't so. Feelings, and 
the motor phenomena upon which they depend, simply cannot 
be defined even in near-sensory terms. They distinctly occur 
after the sensation is completed, and with entire independence 
of it. I was driven, after thus disproving my own theory, to 
abandon altogether, as most psychologists had done before 
me, any attempt to regard affective tone as an integral aspect 
of sensation. 

Theories That Visceral Sensations Are Also Feelings 

The second method, a modern one, by which even at the 
present moment, many psychologists are striving to drag 
motor phenomena into consciousness in terms of sensation, 
is the arbitrary appropriation of certain sensations, usually 
visceral ones, to constitute fueling tone ipso facto. Just why 
visceral sensations are so generally thought to possess especial 
affective value would be very hard to say. One reason 


probably is that these sensations were for a long time much 
less definitely known and recognized than are the sensations 
having their origin at the surface of the body. It was not 
until 1912 that Cannon and Washburn succeeded in identifying 
stomach sensations with hunger, 1 while the works of 
Carlson, 2 Boring 3 and others in experimental examination of 
sensations from the alimentary tract are also the work of the 
present generation. These experimenters have definitely 
shown that visceral receptors are meagre but specific, respond- 
ing to extremes of temperature, pressure and pain. They 
evoke recognizable sensations. They do not evoke feelings. 
If, according to the James-Lange champions, primary feelings 
and emotions are composed entirely of visceral sensations, 
how is it possible to account for the fact that visceral sensa- 
tions possess double characteristics, being felt both as 
sensations and also as feelings, while other sensations 
produced by corresponding receptor mechanisms from the 
external surface of the body, possess but the single character- 
istic of sensation ? 

However, such a slight peculiarity in the psycho-physio- 
logical make-up might not deter the energetic psychologist 
from pursuing this visceral-affection theory, were it not for 
other and more insurmountable difficulties. Unfortunately 
for James-Lange addicts, there does exist definite experimental 
evidence which precludes the theoretical revamping of visceial 
sensations into feeling-tone consciousness. As noted in the 
last chapter, Cannon has shown (following Langley's descrip- 
tion of the autonomic innervation of the viscera) that visceral 
changes resulting from motor discharge from the central 
nervous system occur in large and uniform patterns. That is 
to say, the autonomic motor nerves which influence the viscera 
operate on the principle of a non-synaptic nerve net. If one 
portion of the viscera, therefore, is altered in a certain way, 
all the visceral regions controlled by that section of the nerve 
net are similarly and simultaneously influenced. Cannon has 
shown that as a result of this situation, different emotions and 
affective states produce identical visceral changes. If the 

1 W. B. Cannon and A. L, Washburn, " An Explanation of Hunger, 1 ' 
Ant. Jr. of Physiology, 1912, vol. XXIX, pp. 442-445. 

2 A. J. Carlson, The Control of Hunger in Health and Disease, Chicago, 
1916, Ch. VII, p. 101, The Sensibility of the Gastric Mucosa. 

8 E. G. Boring, " The Sensations of the Alimentary Canal/ 1 Am. 
Jou.\ Psychology, 1915, vol. XXVI, pp. 1-57. 


changes in the viscera are identical, how can the sensations 
resulting from these changes be different ? Cannon states 
that they cannot be : and concludes that, " It would appear 
the bodily conditions which have been assumed by some 
psychologists to distinguish emotions from one another must 
be sought for elsewhere than in the viscera/' 1 

One would think that the physiologists* conclusion in this 
matter would be accepted as final, but a few psychologists, 
driven on, apparently, by the frantic urge to squeeze feeling 
'tone into sensation by hook or by crook, have persisted to 
the last ditch in trying to find some loop hole in the phy- 
siologists* dictum. One such attempt is that of Allport, who 
says: 8 "The cranio-sacral division of the autonomic, . . . 
innervates those responses whose return afferent impulses are 
associated with the conscious quality of pleasantness. The 
sympathetic division produces visceral responses which are 
represented in consciousness as unpleasantness." This idea 
is precisely what Cannon believed his results had disproved. 
But Allport attempts to use his own version of Cannon's 
results to support the visceral affection hypothesis. Allport 
quotes Cannon as stating that pleasant toned emotions result 
in motor discharge through the cranial and sacral branches 
of the autonomic nervous system, and that all unpleasant 
Demotions uniformly discharge into the viscera through the 
sympathetic (thoracio-lumbar) division of the autonomic 
system. I, am sure that Allport had no intention of deliber- 
ately misinterpreting Cannon's results, and so we cannot but 
suppose that Allporl, in his visceral-affective zeal, over- 
interpreted Cannon's work in a rather surprising way. For 
Cannon states 3 : "In terror, rage, and intense elation, for 
example, the responses in the viscera seem too uniform to 
offer a satisfactory means of distinguishing states which in 
man, at least, are very different in subjective quality." 
Terror, rage, and intense elation according to Cannon result 
in sympathetic motor discharge, as do also emotions producing 
sexual orgasm, and " anxiety, joy, grief, and deep disgust." 4 

1 W. B. Cannon, Bodily Changes in Pain, Hunger, Fear and Rage, 
New York and London, 1920, p. 280. 

2 F. Allport, Social Psychology, Cambridge, 1924, p. 90. 

3 W. B. Cannon, Bodily Changes in Pain, Hunger, Fear and Rage, 
New York and London, 1920, p. 280. 

4 W. B. Cannon, Bodily Changes in Pain, Hunger, Fear and Rage, 
New York and London, 1920, p. 279. 


Can we believe that Allport regards intense elation, joy, and 
the climax of sexual emotion as unpleasant emotional states ? 
If not, then Allport 's theory that sensations caused by sym- 
pathetic motor impulses constitute unpleasantness finds 
itself contradicted. Similarly, Cannon emphasizes the fact 
that various intensely unpleasant emotions, such as extreme 
fear, may result in sacral motor discharge causing evacuation 
of the bladder and colon. In this observation of Cannon's, 
Allport must find singularly little support for the second part 
of his theory which identifies pleasantness with sensations 
caused by sacral-cranial discharge. 

The acme of ingenuity in visceral-affection theories has been 
reached by W. W. Smith. 1 It must first be explained that 
Smith names his affective elements "positive feeling tone 1 ' 
and " negative feeling tone ", defined as those feelings which 
promote or delay, respectively, associative recall of memorized 
words. These feelings, he says, are " very close to " pleasant- 
ness and unpleasantness. Smith begins discussion by com- 
mitting himself " four-square " to the James-Lange theory 
of emotion, and further presupposes that all affective states 
are composed of nothing but " endo-somatic sensations ". 
His problem then is : What endo-somatic sensations constitute 
positive feeling tone, and of what sensations is negative tone 
composed ? Smith's answer, like that of so many others, i? 
based upon the motor-impulse situation ; and, like the others 
mentioned, he identifies positive feeling tone with harmonious 
motor discharge from co-operating " ideas ", and negative 
affective tone with conflicting motor discharge from opposed 
" ideas ". 

Then comes Smith's bid for the role of miracle- worker. 
He attempts to translate these harmonious and conflicting 
motor impulses into sensory consciousness in an extremely 
novel way. The motor impulses, he says, are subliminal ; 
yet diey have the extraordinary ability to evoke, in some 
way difficult to comprehend, the visceral sensations which 
constitute the actual conscious content of positive or negative 
feeling. If the " subliminal innervations of the physiological 
mechanisms ", says Smith, are incompatible, " endo-somatic 
sensations are thereby generated which, when perceived, give 
rise to one variety of affective tone " (negative). Relative 

1 W. W. Smith, The Measurement of Emotion, New York and London, 


relief from this war of the subliminally evoked endo-somatic 
sensations gives positive affective tone, which " is in the nature 
of a contrast effect ". Astounding doctrine ! Allport may 
have revised Langley and Cannon to suite himself by insisting 
that identical visceral sensations can be different according to 
the pleasantness or unpleasantness of the emotions that cause 
them, but Smith has gone him one better. Smith assumes 
not only that a nerve-net type of conductor is capable of 
effecting differential visceral changes, but he also appears to 
suggest that subliminal motor impulses, playing about within 
this nerve-net, can somehow rise above their own categorical 
limitations and produce end-effects more emotionally potent 
than could be brought about by the most intense supra- 
liminal impulses. Long life to this theory ! May it survive 
as a monument to future generations symbolizing the heights 
of acrobatic mentality scaled by man in the brave though 
futile cause of glorifying his visceral sensations ! 

Unsolved Problem 

It can be seen, even from the above abbreviated review, 
that many authorities are in substantial agreement as to the 
physical basis underlying pleasantness and unpleasantness. 
Yet, despite this fundamental agreement that feeling tone 
depends upon alliance or conflict of motor set, both methods 
of translating motor impulses into sensory consciousness have 
fallen flat. 9 On the one hand, the facts do not support the 
assumption that motor phenomena can retroactively imbue 
preceding sensations with their own attributes. On the other 
hand, motor discharge which is admittedly linked with strong 
affective tone, has been found by the physiologists to be in- 
capable of producing sensations sufficiently potent or diverse 
to correspond in any way with the associated feelings of 
pleasantness and unpleasantness. The problem of getting 
affective or motor discharge into consciousness remains* un- 

Feeling Tone is Motor Consciousness, or Motation 

My own solution has already been suggested in the last 
chapter. I have ventured to step in where angels fear to 
tread. I have entered the gates of motor consciousness long 
guarded by psychology's sacred taboo. Once one has entered 
this forbidden territory, however, one finds the building 


materials for affective and emotional theories ready-cut and 
prepared for immediate use. Accepting the conclusion agreed 
upon by the authorities cited, that motor facilitations and 
conflicts underlie pleasantness and unpleasantness, I have 
only to select appropriate units of psychonic energy neces- 
sarily generated in the motor centres where these motor im- 
pulses are integrated and, behold ! these items of motor con- 
sciousness are pleasantness and unpleasantness. If one 
accepts the existence of motor consciousness, then, there 
is no necessity for devising a round-about way of accounting' 
for our affective awareness of the result of motor discharge. 
The awareness has already occurred at the psychons where 
the motor impulses in question had their origin. 

Integmtive Principles of Pleasantness and Unpleasantness 

Connector nerve impulses arrive at certain original motor 
psychons from various associative centres of the brain, and 
are there integrated into specifically directed motor impulses. 
These specific motor impulses in turn, are obliged to form 
several sets of subsequent psychonic connections with each 
other and with motor impulses previously occupying the paths 
which they seek to enter. At all the psychons in this series, 
between the highest motor centres of the brain and the final 
common nerve paths leading to the muscles or glands inner- 
vated, integrative relationships of alliance or antagonism may 
exist between the various motor nerve disturbances combined 
at the psychons in question. Each of these synaptic com- 
binations of motor impulses, therefore, must be expected to 
give rise to one of the two primary elements of motor con- 
sciousness, pleasantness or unpleasantness, as well as to form 
complex varieties of mo tat ion corresponding with super- 
added complexities of impulse relationship. 

According to this suggestion, the mutual facilitation of any 
two motor impulses on a motor psychon constitutes, ipso facto, 
conscious pleasantness. Antagonism between two or more motor 
impulses within any motor psychon constitutes conscious un- 

Causal Attributes of Pleasantness and Unpleasantness as 
Primary Elements of Motation 

Pleasantness and unpleasantness, according to the theory 
proposed, are the primary elements of motor consciousness, 


But primary elements, as here used, must not be taken to 
mean an element or unit from which all more complex mo tat ion 
can be derived. It seems to me a mistake in conceptual 
understanding of causation, for instance, to think of water 
as composed of nothing but hydrogen and oxygen. Or, to 
put it the other way, it seems a mistake to think of hydrogen 
and oxygen as containing within themselves all the materials 
from which water is made. The correct view seems rather 
to be that the simpler energy units composing the atoms 
of hydrogen and oxygen possess the capacity, when brought 
into more complex relationship by the combination of 
hydrogen and oxygen in certain quantitative proportions, to 
generate a still more complex stabilization of energy ; namely, 
water. This more complex energy form contains, it is true, 
atoms of hydrogen and oxygen, but it contains, also, additional 
energy units which are its own and which did not exist before 
in either the hydrogen atom or the oxygen atom or in both. 
This concept is but another application of our fundamental 
analysis of physical science into mechanistic-type and vitalistic- 
type causes. The hydrogen and the oxygen, acting as mechan- 
istic causes, create water which thereupon, as a vitalistic- 
type cause, possesses powers not resident in either of its so- 
called elements. In the same way, for the sake of clarity 
qf thought and removal of prejudice against the general con- 
cept of " primary elements ", it seems advisable to think of 
pleasantnesj and unpleasantness as simple, integrative units, 
the constituent units of which may combine in still more com- 
plex ways, forming still more complex units of affective tone. 
Such complex, affective units, therefore, while all of them may 
contain pleasantness or unpleasantness, or both, must be 
expected to possess new attributes of motation which are 
actually not present in pleasantness and unpleasantness per 


Possible Objections To Proposed Theory of Pleasantness and 

What are the objections to the hypothesis that pleasantness 
and unpleasantness are based upon simple facilitation and 
conflict of impulses ? One objection sometimes argued, 
maintains that unpleasantness can not be based upon motor 
conflict because some of our swiftest reactions are intensely 
unpleasant, The argument is taken that swift actions 


not result from motor conflicts and that, therefore, we find 
intense unpleasantness present without corresponding motor 
interference. This objection, however, like so many of our 
present psychological difficulties, is based upon failure to 
work out clearly the nerve impulse situation which is under 
discussion. While it is certainly true that swiftness of re- 
action does not result from the motor conflict element of 
preceding integration, it is also true that nearly all swift 
action taken in an emergency causes" motor conflicts. If, 
for example, one is walking serenely along a country lane, 
" day dfeaming " of pleasant experiences to come, and if a 
car, rushing down from behind, honks its horn, the startled 
dreamer may leap off the road in record time. There existed 
no dimunition of the motor impulses which succeeded in 
gaining outlet and which resulted in the jump. But what 
of the impulses which had been controlling the body and mind 
a moment before ? The large volume of motor discharge which 
had successfully found outlet just before the horn sounded, 
was interrupted, and rudely cut off altogether from motor 
outlet by the jumping impulses. A motor conflict, therefore, 
must have existed, and the very intensity of the successful 
motor discharge bears testimony to the fact that the previously 
existing motor setting was interrupted by force rather than by 
harmonic readjustment. Such instances of swift and efficient 
action under stress of danger seem to offer evidence tending 
to identify unpleasantness with motor conflict, -rather than 
offering any evidence against such identification. 

Conversely, the objection has been urged that pleasantness 
cannot depend upon positive facilitation since its resulting 
emotions appear to be of slow, easy-going variety, like the 
stroll down a country lane mentioned. This objection, again, 
seems not fully to grasp the exact neurological relationships 
involved. The relationship of mutual facilitation between 
impulses simultaneously passing over a given psychon is not 
to be confused with the intensity of the resulting motor 
excitation within the final efferent paths. Forbes and Gregg 
have, in fact, shown that the normal limit of excitation in any 
individual nerve fibre is quickly reached and that an intense 
stimulus thereafter super-imposes a sort of secondary rhythm 
upon the normal disturbance within the nerve. 1 Thus, 

1 A. Forbes and A. Gregg, " Electrical Studies in Mammalian 
Reflexes/ 1 Am. Jour, of Physiology, vol. XXXIX, Dec. 1915. pp. 


it seems clear that complete mutual facilitation of motor 
impulses free from secondary interference impulse waves 
can only occur if the impulses in alliance are of notably 
low intensity. The swiftness and decision of muscular 
rtiovement is a product not of the completeness of facilitation 
existing at any motor psychon, but rather of the intensity 
of the successful motor impulses which contract the muscles 
used. It is, in short, the completeness with which two motor 
impulses blend, that is to be thought of as fixing the degree 
of pleasantness of which we are conscious. The intensity 
of motor discharge has nothing to do with the matter, except 
that it will become increasingly difficult for two or more motor 
impulses to effect complete alliance in proportion as the 
intensity of either impulse is increased. In other words, the 
more swift and abrupt any physical action becomes the 
more difficult it will be to make this action completely 

Another objection sometimes raised to the identification 
of pleasantness with free and unimpeded discharge of motor 
impulses rests upon the argument that practising any reaction 
makes it more smooth-running, and free from synaptic 
obstruction. The more habitual a given action becomes, 
therefore, the more unimpeded must be the motor discharge 
\yhich produces it. Yet, such actions, it is said, are not more 
pleasant than less practised responses, but rather tend to 
become increasingly indifferent in feeling tone. The initial 
fallacy in this argument is that free discharge of motor impulses 
is by no means synonymous with mutual facilitation of 
impulses at the junctional psychons. While it is true that 
habitual actions attain a maximum freedom of motor dis- 
charge, it is not true that habitual actions are the product of 

232-233. " When a mammalian nerve trunk, such as the sciatic or 
one of its major branches (popliteal or peroneal) in the cat, is stimulated 
with single induction shocks of graded intensity, and the resulting action 
currents are recorded monophasically with the string galvanometer, the 
magnitude of the electrical response normally increases with increasing 
stimuli until the latter have reached a value in the neighbourhood of 
40 Z units ; with further increase in strength of stimulus no further 
increase in response occurs so long as this retains the form typical 
of a simple action current record, in short there is a limiting maximal 
value to the action current. When the increase in the strength of 
induction shock is carried far enough (usually about 200 Z in round 
numbers) the electrical responses no longer appear as simple curves, 
but show deformation which becomes increasingly marked as the 
strength of shock is further increased." 


a maximal amount of facilitation between different groups of 
motor impulses. Quite the contrary. The more habitual an 
action becomes the more it tends to approximate the lower 
reflexes of the body. That is, those reflexes which employ a 
minimum number of synapses and maintain a continuously 
unimpeded discharge of energy across a single motor synapse, 
might be expected, according to the psychonic theory of con- 
sciousness, to produce a minimum of consciousness of any sort. 
While responses requiring motor impulse combinations at 
hundreds, or perhaps thousands of motor synapses might be 
expected to result in a maximal amount of facilitation (pleas- 
antness) or interference (unpleasantness). The indifference of 
habitual actions, therefore, again offers positive proof for the 
theory proposed and seems in accord with it at every point. 
The statement that the mere practicing of given responses 
renders them indifferent or less pleasant is far from fact. 
Such a proposition would suggest that the " dud " at golf 
enjoys his strokes more than does the finished master of the 
game ; or that one derives more pleasure from the first tennis 
practice of a season than from the execution of a perfect return 
after months of practice. Such simply is not the case. The 
more perfectly practised a given movement is the greater 
pleasantness one derives from it provided that the consciousness 
attaching to the action in question is not itself diminished ; tha* 
is, providing the movement is not accomplished by a more 
mechanical type of psycho-neural reflex containing a smaller 
number of synapses and psychons. 

An objection which has been raised especially to the motor 
consciousness aspect of the theory proposed brings forward 
the suggestion that it would seem likely that most motor 
impulses would be able to gain final discharge without being 
compelled to form synaptic relationships of facilitation or 
interference with any motor impulses seeking to occupy a 
coirfmon path. If this were so, it is asserted, we should expect 
nearly all our reactions to cause a feeling tone of indifference 
whereas, as a matter of fact, nearly all human responses not 
habitual or " unconscious " are felt to be noticably pleasant 
or unpleasant. I would agree certainly, that a totally indiffer- 
ent response is of comparatively rare occurrence and that, 
therefore, our motor consciousness theory must be prepared 
to account for the appearance of mutual facilitations or con- 
flict of motor impulses in connection with a vast majority 


of responses. The opinion of Sherrington might be quoted 1 
to the effect that it seems to him questionable whether a 
relationship of complete indifference could obtain between 
any two co-existing motor excitations because of the com- 
plexity and close interconnection of the entire synaptic 
structure of the central nervous system, especially the brain. 
However, since this issue is a very important one it may be 
well to discover, if possible, a fundamental condition in the 
functioning of the nervous system taken as a unit which would 
account' for the expectation that nearly all motor impulses 
must form synaptic facilitations or antagonisms before 
reaching final efferent discharge. Such a fundamental reason 
may be sought in an examination of the continuous, or tonic 
discharges which persist throughout the life of the organism. 

Constant Tonic Discharge Renders All Responses Initially 
Pleasant or Unpleasant 

Recent neurological researches have tended to emphasize 
the importance of the tonic motor mechanisms which act 
continuously against the forces of environment to maintain 
posture and preparedness for adaptive action. Speaking of 
decerebrate rigidity, a condition affecting the same mechanisms 
aj those concerned in tonic discharge, Sherrington writes 1 : 
" llie muscles it predominantly affects are those which in 
that attitude (i.e. the one maintained by tonic reflexes) 
antagonize gravity. In standing, walking, running, the limbs 
would sink under the body's weight but for contraction of the 
extensors of hip, knee, ankle, shoulder, elbow ; the head would 
hang, but for the retractors of the neck ; the tail and jaw would 
drop, but for their elevator muscles . These muscles counteract 
a force, gravity, that continually threatens to upset the 
natural posture. The force acts continuously and the muscles 
exhibit continued action, tonus. ... 

" Two separable systems of motor innervation appear thus 
controlling two sets of musculature : one system exhibits 

1 " In presence of the arcs of the great proficient receptors and the 
brain there can be few receptive points in the body whose activities 
are totally indifferent one to another. Correlation of the reflexes from 
points widely apart is the crowning contribution of the brain towards 
the nervous integration of the individual." C. S. Sherrington, Integra- 
five Action of the Nervous System, p. 147. 

8 C. S. Sherrington, Integrative Action of the Nervous System, p. 30*. 


those transient phases of heightened reaction which constitute 
reflex movements ; the other maintains that steady tonic 
response which supplies the muscular tension necessary to 
attitude. Starting from the tonic innervation as initial state, 
the first step in movement tends to be flexion and involves 
under ' reciprocal innervation ' an inhibition of the extensor 
excitation then in progress. This will be involved whether 
the excitation be via local reflex or via the motor cortex. . . . 

" And the tonic system will, on inhibition of it gassing off, 
contribute a return movement to the pre-existing pose, thus 
having it share in alternating movements and in compensatory 
reflexes. These two systems, the tonic and the phasic reflex 
systems, co-operate exertirg influences complimental to each 
other upon various units of the musculature." 

Thus it is evident that every phasic, or transitory group of 
motor impulses which succeeds in winning through to motor 
outlet, and thus influencing bodily behaviour, must first 
conflict with (inhibit) the existing tonic discharge, or else 
facilitate (co-operate with) the continuous tonic impulses. 
And this same facilitation or antagonism must occur, according 
to Sherrington, no matter what level of reflex centres may be 
employed by the phasic impulses, from lowest (local reflex) to 
highest (motor cortex). If, then, pleasantness and unpleasant- 
ness are generated, in the form of psychonic motor energy, 
upon each occasion that relationships of alliance or antagonism 
occur in the motor centres, we must assume that some pleasant- 
ness or some unpleasantness will precede every linal bodily 
response ; since, prior to each final response, the motor- 
impulses setting it off are compelled to ally themselves with, 
or to antagonize the pre-existing tonic discharge. 

This result seems to accord precisely with the facts of 
experience as cited in the criticism of the motation theory of 
feeling now being discussed. I should like to add, however, 
that where a minimum of synaptic juncture between phasic 
and tonic impulses occur, and where the response is also devoid 
of any considerable interrelationship between phasic impulses, 
the pleasantness or unpleasantness may be so slight as to 
escape the observation of the subject. Also, in the type of 
reaction where interrelationships of connector impulses pre- 
dominate, with little motor energy escaping into final efferent 
paths, we should anticipate little observable affective tone. 
If " thinking " is based upon this connector-correlation type 


of neural picture, then its apparent emotional indifference 
might stand accounted for. 


In summary, there seems to be excellent neurological 
authority for the assumption that pleasantness is in some way 
attached, either to free, unimpeded discharge of impulses in 
the central nervous system, or to positive, mutual facilitation 
of impulses. Similar authority indicates that unpleasantness 
is connected with central blockage, stasis, or mutual interfer- 
ence of impulses. The work of Head and Holmes, corrobor- 
ating this conclusion, also indicates that the facilitations and 
interferences of impulses running parallel with affective tone 
must occur in the motor centres rather than upon the sensory 
side of the central nervous system. Marked over-reactions, 
that is, motor exaggerations, accompanied increase of pleasant- 
ness and unpleasantness, while no alterations in the sensory 
integrations or receptor mechanisms were found. 

Psychology, then, has long been faced with the problem : 
How do we become conscious of the alliances and conflicts of 
motor impulses ? The first attempt to answer sought to 
regard feeling as a true aspect of sensation, and to establish 
jsome psycho-neural mechanism by which motor phenomena 
might retroactively influence their preceding sensations. 
But no sirh mechanism seems to exist. Other attempts to 
solve this problem have sought to set aside special groups of 
sensations, supposedly caused by the initial motor impulses 
in question, with the assertion that these sensory units enter 
consciousness not as sensations, but as affective tone. Visceral 
sensations have been the ruling favourites among those 
selected. But visceral sensations, sparse and feeble at best, 
cannot be evoked selectively by motor discharge from the 
central nervous system, because the autonomic nerve* net," 
excitable only in large sections, intervenes between the 
central nervous system and the viscera. The same visceral 
sensations accompany pleasant and unpleasant emotions. 

The psychonic theory of consciousness answers the problem 
squarely, and without circuminvention. It holds that we 
become conscious of motor alliances and conflicts at the time 
they occur, in the motor synapses. A relationship of mutual 
facilitation between two or more motor impulses, once fowned 


upon a motor psychon, is pleasantness. A relationship of 
motor antagonism, similarly formed, is unpleasantness. 
Examination of the evidence advanced by several types of 
objections to the theory proposed reveals the fact that all 
this data is closely in accord with the theory. 



IN the last chapter it was suggested that all phasic motor 
impulses are compelled to combine with, or to conflict with, 
the tonic motor impulses continuously discharging in a pattern 
which may be called, for convenience, our natural reflex 
equilibrium. 1 In the manufacture of pleasantness and 
unpleasantness we had supposed a qualitatively simple 
relationship to exist between phasic and tonic impulses. 
That is, a simple one-to-one relationship. If this ultimately 
simple, one-to-one relationship existed in fact, we should 
have no variable in the equation except the degree of alliance 
or antagonism existing between tonic and phasic impulses. 
In such a theoretically simplified equation, we might expect 
to find sheer pleasantness or sheer unpleasantness without 
any further complicating factors due to the quantities of the 
two units brought together. But the moment we consider 
a 1 " combination of tonic and phasic impulses where one group 
or the other clearly predominates in quantity, a new set of 
integrative relationships appears. 

Referring back to the same situation appearing in chemistry, 
we may note that a one-to-one comparison between various 
chemical atoms reveals merely a contrast or similarity between 
the internal constituents of the atoms examined, but the 
moment we vary the number of one or the other atoms brought 
together, a new set of phenomena appears which must also be 
described. That is, we must note the properties of two ajoms. 
of hydrogen brought in contact with one atom of oxygen. 
This new set of phenomena are termed chemical compounds, 
and for each type of atom combined with another type of 
atom, a long series of compounds might be arranged according 

1 " Reflex equilibrium," as a term descriptive of the condition to 
which the central nervous system returns after the tonic discharge has 
been disturbed by an intercurrent reflex, is used by Sherrington. 
C. S. Sherrington, Integrative Action of the Nervous System, p. 203. 



to the number of atoms used in each compound. The entire 
series of all possible compounds between all types of atoms 
might be so arranged as to show at one end of the series the 
compound resulting from the smallest possible quantity of 
atoms possessing the greatest possible attraction for one 
another, while at the opposite extreme of the series might lie 
compounds containing a maximal quantity of atoms having 
the greatest repulsion one for the other. 

The problem before us with respect to integrative com- 
binations of quantitatively varying intensities of tonic and 
phasic impulses is first of all, to discover the general principle 
of the changes resulting from the intensity variant in each 
combination. That is, to put it more concretely, it is im- 
portant to discover, if possible, what effect will be wrought 
in the total intensity of tonic discharge by greater or lesser 
intensities of allied and antagonistic phasic impulses. We 
have already noted the effect which the alliance or antagonism 
of a phasic group or impulses will have upon the tendency of 
the tonic impulses to ally themselves with, or antagonize the 
phasic group. We may look, in the second place, for the 
influences which the relative intensities of the phasic group 
may exercise over the intensity of the total tonic discharge. 
In order to discover these basic principles of integration, it 
will be necessary to examine the nature of the tonic reflexes 
and their mechanisms of reinforcement, and diminution. 

The Tonic Mechanisms * 

In the last chapter we noted that the tonic reflexes were 
designed to counteract environmental influences such as 
gravitation, atmospheric pressure, etc., which if not counter- 
acted, would abolish the posture and attitude necessary^o the 
life and activity of the organism. Appro pi iate receptors, or 
sense organs, therefore, connect with tonic motor centres 
discharging into those muscles designed to react selectively 
to tfie forces which must be offset. The semi-circular canals, 
and probably other types of receptors of the type affected by 
gravitational influence, respond quickly to changes in the 
position of the head. Motor discharge evoked by sensations 
of equilibrium normally contracts the muscles necessary to 
hold the head and body in the required state of balance. 
This is the normal or reflex equilibrium of the tonic mechanism, 
and increases in the gravitational pull, or any similar influence 


exerted upon the body by phasic reflexes moving the body 
off balance, would immediately increase the intensity of 
stimulation of the semi-circular canals. There would follow, 
through the tonic centres, compensatory increase in motor 
discharge which should continue until the body has been 
restored to its normal balance. 

We may also consider another and different type of tonic 
mechanism which operates independently of the balancing 
reflexes just considered. Sherrington shows 1 that there exist 
certain proprioceptor sense organs in the skeletal muscles of the 
body stimulable by the tension within the muscle itself. These 
stimulations result in motor discharge back into the muscle 
itself with the result that the muscle is increasingly stimulated 
to contraction. Suppose, for example, that an experimental 
animal in a condition of decerebrate rigidity is placed in a 
holder so that the outstretched limbs and tail do not receive 
artificial support, but are held rigidly extended by the tonic 
reflexes under discussion. If, now, the experimenter moves 
one of the limbs forcibly in a direction opposed to that in 
which it is held by the extensor contractions due to tonic 
motor discharge, the extensor contraction can be shown to 
increase in intensity. When the pressure is removed, the 
limb returns to a more extieme position than that in which it 
was originally held. 

This same result has been shown to occur if the limb is 
moved in a position opposed to that brought about by tonic 
discharge through the agency of an intervening reflex electric- 
ally stimulated, thus demonstrating that the phenomenon 
may be produced either by passive manipulation of the limb 
or by phasic reflex movement of the limb in an anti-tonic 
direction. If the afferent nerves from the limb in question 
be severed, the efferent discharge is diminished or abolished 
altogether, indicating that the enhancement of tonic discharge 
is dependent upon sensory impulses rising from the muscles, 
of the limb as they are increasingly tensed by the pressure 
exerted against them. Probably when the movement is 
produced by phasic reflex stimulation there is some integrative 
equivalent of this mechanical effect also operative. Forbes, 
Campbell, and Williams" have measured, by means of the 

1 C. S. Sherrington, Integrative Action of the Nervous System, pp. 300 ff . 

A. Forbes, C. J. Campbell, and H. B. Williams, " Electrical Records 
of Afferent Nerve Impulses from Muscular Receptors," American 
Journal of Physiology, 1924, vol. LXIX, pp. 238-303. 


galvanometer, the action currents resulting from increased 
tension of the muscles in reflex contraction, and have shown 
that one battery of proprioceptive afferent impulses is evoked 
as a result of reflex contraction of the muscle, and that a 
second battery of afferent impulses is evoked as the muscle 
contraction meets increased opposition from the load it is 
trying to move. 

Importance of Tonic Mechanisms 

We may consider briefly the extent to which the entire 
operation of the central nervous system depends upon the 
interaction between tonic and phasic systems of reflex nerve 

The psycho-neural concept which looked upon the brain 
and spinal cord as mere separately strung telephone wires with 
a switch key to be turned on at the synapses, is passing rapidly. 
Herrick says 1 " but the concept of the reflex is not a general 
master key competent to unlock all the secrets of brain and 
mind, as all seem to suppose, and it has of late been subjected 
to very searching physiological analysis ". And again, " all 
the parts of each such reflex system are so intimately and 
variously connected with one another and with parts of other 
systems by collateral branches of the nerve fibres and by 
correlation neurones that anatomical mechanisms are pro- 
vided for innumerable modifications of any typical or primary 
reflex pattern. Which, if any, of these cross connections will be 
activated in any particular response will be determined by the 
aggregate of external and internal factors at the moment 
operating ". 

By far the most important of the internal factors operating 
at any moment are the various units of tonic energy continu- 
ously exciting large tracts of the brain, spinal cord, and peri- 
pheral nerve trunks. It has long been known that the cere- 
.bellum is chiefly concerned with maintaining the constant 
tonic motor discharge necessary to keep the body in its natural 
state of equilibrium. The cerebellum has been called primar- 
ily the "balancing brain". " Its cortex", says Herrick, 1 
" seems to be a great reservoir of latent nervous energy which 

1 C. J. Herrick, Neurological Foundations of Animal Behavior, 
pp. 234-6. 

*C. J. Herrick, Neurological Foundations of Animal Behavior, 
p. -?42. 


may be tapped for discharge into any neuromotor apparatus 
as needed. Its stabilizing influence may be compared with 
the action of a gyroscope on a large steamship, ensuring the 
steady progress of the vessel in its course by compensating 
the buffeting of wind and waves/* 

Sherrington has proved that not only is the cerebellum 
to be regarded chiefly as an organ of tonic discharge, but also, 
that certain centres of the brain stem are concerned with main- 
taining tonic motor outflow. Sherrington found that de- 
cerebrate rigidity which seems to represent a state of natural 
reflex equilibrium with the normal inhibitory regulation re- 
moved cannot be abolished by ablation of the cerebellum. 1 

Lashley has found 2 that the cerebral cortex itself, may be 
largely concerned with maintaining tonic discharge. He says, 
" A normal function of the stimulable cortex is to supply a 
sub-stratum of facilitating impulses which act in some way 
to render the final common paths excitable by the more finely 
graduated impulses ", (which emanate from phasic reflexes). 

These few quotations from recent writings and research 
reports will serve to show that the concept long held by many 
psychologists with regard to the central nervous system as an 
inert mass of conducting material within which the environ- 
ment could cause phasic reflex excitations to play about with 
po other control than that exercised by other phasic excita- 
tidns which happen to be simultaneously aroused, is no longer 
tenable. j\ more apt metaphor would represent the central 
nervous system as a powerful dynamo generating energy at 
high and rather regular speed throughout the life of the organ- 
ism. Phasic excitations aroused by the environment from 
time to time are to be thought of as passing hands upon the 
rheostat switches controlling this dynamo. One phasic 
influence increases the speed of the generator, others may slow 
it down. Some phasic impulses may reduce the response in 
conductors already energized by the dynamo while others saay 
increase such excitations. But unless the mechanical and 
chemical laws of the planet itself be abrogated, (that is, unless 
gravitation, temperature, air pressure, etc., cease to exert 
their natural influences upon the organism) the great dynamo 

*C. S. Shenington, Integrative Action of the Nervous System, 
p. 302- 

* K. S. Lashley, " The Relation between Cerebral Mass Learning and 
Retention," Journal of Comparative Neurology, August, 1926, vol. 4. 


of the central nervous system may be expected to grind out 
its daily and hourly quota of tonic motor discharge, pretty 
much regardless of minor changes and influences of the particu- 
lar environment in which the organism is placed. 

What the transient phasic reflexes do very largely determine 
is the particular outlet through which the energy generated 
by the dynamos shall be brought into contact with environ- 

Herrick says 1 " What particular motor centres will receive 
the nervous impulses discharged from the cerebellum is ap- 
parently determined less by what is going on in the cerebellum 
than by what systems are in actual function in the rest of the 
nervous system . . . The circuits acting in the brain stem 
tend to capture and utilize the cerebellar discharge." 

Lashley has reported evidence tending to show a result 
quite astounding to the older telephone connection theory of 
action. By eliminating the cerebral motor cortex in an animal 
trained to certain definite motor habits, Lashley found that 
impulses to particular muscles do not leave through the 
pjnramidal tracts from the so-called motor area of the 
cerebrum. He concluded in a later research that the phasic 
motor impulses descending from the cortex by extra pyra- 
midal paths thus produce the " finer shades of adaptive 
movement". 8 Which may mean, as far as one is entitle^ 
to guess from incomplete results, that the motor area itsetf is 
chiefly concerned with routing tonic discharge rpntinuously 
to the so-called voluntary muscles all over the body, thus 
maintaining all these different muscles in a more or less 
stabilized condition of continuous excitation. Whenever this 
reflex equilibrium might be changed in such a way that one 
muscle receives a larger increment of tonic energy than other 
muscles, an adaptive bodily movement would result. The 
phasic or transient environmental stimulus would then con- 
ctitate merely a hand on the lever shifting the tonic outflow 
slightly from one muscle to another. This effect might be 
accomplished within the nervous system either by increasing 
the tonic outflow itself at an appropriate synapse, or by 

1 C. J. Herrick, Brains of Rats and Men, Chicago, 1926. 

1 K. S. Lashley, " The Retention of Motor Habits after Destruction 
of the so-called Motor Area in Primates/' Archives of Neurology and 
Psychology, 1924, vol. XII, p. 249. 

* K. S. Lashley, " The Relation between Cerebral Mass, Learning 
and Retention," Journal of Comparative Neurology , August, 1926, vol. 41. 


facilitating the transmission of energy through a nerve path 
and synapse common to phasic and tonic motor impulses. 

Recent researches, on the whole, appear to describe the 
constant tonic motor energy as a rather uniformly stabilized 
mass of motor discharge which may " capture ", or " be 
captured by " the transient motor energy units called phasic 

This " capture " of tonic motor discharge by phasic impulses, 
or the " capture " of phasic excitations by tonic impulses, 
takes place, necessarily, at motor synapses appropriate to 
the psycho-neural level of the response ultimately ipanifest. 
Psychons in all these centres must be in a continuous condition 
of excitation, prior to the reception of phasic impulses, as a 
result of the constant out-flow of tonic motor energy. Accord- 
ing to the psychonic theory of consciousness, therefore, there 
exists a certain residuum of motor (affective) awareness, in all 
animals above the coelenterates (that is, animals possessing 
synaptic nerve mechanisms), from before birth until after 
death (at least as " death " is now defined by medical certifi- 
cation). Normally, this residual notation should be felt 
as mild, pervasive pleasantness, since motor impulses from 
different tonic mechanisms, and from different tonic centres 
must be supposed normally to be in closely ordered alliance, 
thus affording a certain constant increment of mutual facilita- 
tion at common psychons. The existence of such a continuous 
background of pleasantness in the normal individual is in 
close accord with results (experimental, clinical analysis, and 
introspective report) from a great majority of the subjects, 
friends, and students whom I have studied. It appears to be 
the basis of " joie de vivre". Experience of its existence 
seems to restrain from suicide most of the persons still alive, 
(at least, those who have not been restrained by dread of the 
suicidal instruments, as suggested by Watson 1 ). 

Concepts of " Motor Self" and " Motor Stimuli " ^ 

The total of psychonic (synaptic) excitation, existing at any 
given moment in the subject organism as a result of reft ex tonic 
motor discharge, may be called, for convenience, the " motor 
self". Definition of this term does not include any phenomena 
not objectively described or indicated. 

Phasic motor impulses forming psychonic (synaptic) con- 
1 J. B. Watson, Behaviorism, New York, 1925, pp. 147-8. 


junction with tonic motor excitations may conveniently be termed 
" motor stimuli ", and are to be regarded as being in exactly 
the same relation to the motor self as are afferent impulses 
to the organism's sensory mechanisms. Motor stimuli thus 
objectively defined, are not to be confused, under any circum- 
stances, with environmental stimuli, which may be defined as 
objects or forces acting upon the organism's sensory recoptors. 

Principles of Response of Motor Self to Motor Stimulus 

Using the terminology just defined, then, we may sum- 
marize the possible relationships so far worked out between 
the motor self and the motor stimuli as follows : Motor stimuli 
may first of all either ally themselves with, or antagonize the 
motor self within motor psychons at any level in the central 
nervous system. Such motor stimuli will evoke, in return, 
corresponding alliance or antagonism from the motor self. 
The resulting situation, which is referred to by neurologists 
as mutual facilitation or conflict of impulses, will thereupon 
enter consciousness as pleasant or unpleasant motation. This 
motation, if pleasant, will be added to the normal, pre-existing 
pleasantness constituting the motor self ; or if unpleasant, 
it will diminish or supersede the normal pleasantness of the 
motor self. t 

But, as noted, it is exceedingly difficult to find a situation 
where this relationship of mutual facilitation or Antagonism 
exists all by itself without some superadded effect upon the 
existing intensity of the motor self. It would require a motor 
stimulus of exactly the same intensity as the motor self 1 to 
bring about an ultimately simple relationship of alliance with 
no other relationship existing between stimulus and reagent. 
Since intensity differences, then, between motor stimuli and 
motor self will be found in most cases to exist, our analysis 
*h:wed that this second general type of complicating relation- 
ship might usually be found added to the simple pleasantness 
or mutual facilitation. 

1 It is necessary to emphasize the fact that this one to one relationship 
might not consist of absolute equalities of intensity, but rather of equal 
intensities relative to the reacting power of tonic and phasic impulses, 
the former being more easily interrupted than the latter, according 
to Sherrington. Comparisons between intensities of tonic and phasic 
excitations should always be understood as including this qualification 
with regard to the relativity of the measure. 


Motor Self and Antagonistic Motor Stimuli (Inferior and 


Let us attempt to discover, then, in the first place, the 
general principle of reaction manifested by the motor self in 
changing its intensity or volume, in response to inferior or 
superior intensity or volume of an antagonistic stimulus. 
" Inferior " and " superior " as used in the discussion to 
follow must be taken to mean " intensity or volume of motor 
stimulus inferior to existing intensity or volume of the motor 
self/' and " intensity or volume of the motor stimulus superior 
to the existing intensity or volume of the motor self ". We 
have already noted, during our brief consideration of the 
regulative tonic mechanisms, that the tonic discharge may be 
increased or decreased as a reaction to opposition influences 
exerted upon the balance of the body or upon tension of the 
muscle tonically innervated. Such a change of body balance 
or muscular tension, no matter by what influence this change 
is brought about, tends to increase the intensity of tonic motor 
discharge. It is to be assumed in all instances of this increase 
of tonic discharge which we have so far considered, that the 
intensity of the motor stimulus was inferior to the intensity 
of whatever rival tonic motor impulses might have successfully 
retained possession of the disputed final common path to the 
muscle in dispute. For if such had not been the case, how 
could the increased tonic discharge have been measured by 
means of the increased contraction of the muscle in question ? 

That is to say, if an opposed motor stimulus tries to reach 
the flexor muscle over a final common efferent path held at 
the moment of stimulation by tonic impulses which are using 
the final common path to reach antagonistic extensor muscles, 
and if we find as a result of intervention of the phasic motor 
stimulus that the contraction of the extensor is heightened, 
we must assume that the tonic impulses or motor self were aVc 
to hold full control of the entrant psychon to the final common 
path. This would seem to mean tJmt the motor stimulus was 
less intense or powerful than the already existing tonic discharge. 
Had the motor stimulus been of superior intensity to the 
motor self, it would have dispossessed the tonic impulses of 
their control over the entrant psychon to the final common 
path and we should have observed a contraction of the flexor 
jnuscles instead of an enhanced contraction of the extensors. 


We may assume, then, that a motor stimulus of inferior intensity 
results in an increase of the motor self. 

In the experiment reported by Sherrington where an in- 
creased load placed upon the extensor muscles of the dog by 
physical pressure exerted by the experimenter upon the limb 
in a flexor direction, it is true that the physical superiority 
of an antagonistic stimulus failed to dispossess the motor self 
of its hold upon the efferent paths to the extensors. But a 
physically superior force could not, of course, possess any 
integrative power or significance whatever, unless it gave 
rise to intervening phasic reflexes which this particular brief 
movement of the limb did not do. When a phasic reflex of 
greater intensity than the tonic discharge was evoked by 
electric stimulation, the tonic discharge into the extensors 
was diminished, during the persistence of the intervening 
reflex, to the point where it exerted no observable power of 
dimunition over its successful phasic rival. 1 The fact, then, 
appears to be that a successful intervening phasic reflex of 
superior intensity to the existing tonic discharge results in a 
dimunition of that same tonic discJiarge (and motor self) through- 
out the persistence of the superior motor stimulus. 

We find, then, that the general rule of intensity relationship 
between motor self and motor stimulus seems to be as follows : 

(1) An antagonistic motor stimulus of inferior intensity to 
the motor self evokes an increase of intensity from the nfotor 
self as reagent. 

(2) An antagonistic motor stimulus of superior intensity to 
the motor self evokes a decrease of intensity from the motor self 
as reagent. 

Motor Self and Allied Motor Stimuli (Inferior and Superior) 

We still have to consider whether the same principle of 
change of strength by the motor self holds good for motor 
~ f -ynuli allied to the motor self, since both types of motor 

1 " Post-inhibitory rebound " was later found by Sherrington to have 
no correlation with the amount of tonic activity inhibited, and therefore 
is not attributed solely to a continued cumulative increase of tonic 
energy during the interim that the intervening stimulus is in control 
of the final common path. It evidently represents however a secondary 
central reaction to the intervening motor stimulus which occurs as a 
result of primitive integration occuring in the absence of the animal's 
cerebral hemispheres. Post-inhibitory rebound is to be interpreted, 
perhaps, as a subsequent resurgence of tonic energy rather than an 
increase in the motor self while the superior motor stimulus is in control, 


stimuli so far considered have been antagonistic in the effect 
upon the final common path. The experiments of Forbes, 
Campbell and Williams, already cited, indicate that an inter- 
vening reflex allied to the tonic discharge in its end effect upon 
the muscle jointly innervated, would tend to have the same 
effect of increasing the tonic discharge or motor self that 
occurred, as we have already seen, as a result of intervention 
by an antagonistic motor stimulus of inferior intensity. So 
far as one can tell, the motor stimulus evoked in experiments 
of the type mentioned would be of equal or inferior volume 
to the pre-existing motor self, if evoked from a normal animal 
in the natural way. When a greater load is placed upon any 
muscle already in a state of tonic contraction (as in the case 
where the dog's leg was passively moved by Shcrrington in 
an anti-tonic direction) the same effect is produced upon the 
increase of tonic discharge as would be produced ultimately 
by intervening allied phasic reflexes of inferior volume. 

Shcrrington describes the reflex neuro-muscular situation, 
in the matter of tonic reinforcement, as follows 1 : -The 
extensor muscle of the knee, in the instance discussed, con- 
stituted the effector organ into which the tonic impulses were 
discharged. When this muscle was passively stretched by 
attaching appropriately calibrated weights, afferent impulses 
were evoked from receptor organs in the muscle fibres. These 
excitations entered the cord, and efferent, tonic reinforcement 
impulses emerged from the cord, and travelled back, over the 
efferent axone trunk, to the muscle which gave rise, originally, 
to the reflex. A greater number of individual muscle fibres 
were stimulated to contraction, as a consequence of this motor 
discharge, than were previously working. Thus the antagon- 
istic weight imposed upon the muscle was compensated for, 
and the muscle as a whole resumed nearly the same position 
as before the weight was imposed. 

The individual muscle fibres, it is held, cannot under^ 
partial contraction. Each fibre contracts to its maximum 
or not at all. Therefore, tonic reinforcement must always 
take the form of bringing more individual muscle fibres into 
play. It is supposed that individual axon fibres, in the 
efferent nerve, innervate individual muscle fibres. Therefore, 

1 This data is reproduced from notes taken by the writer at a lecture 
delivered by Sir Charles S. Sherrington, before the New York Academy 
Ql Medicine, New York City, October 25, 1927, 


the total muscle contraction depends upon the number of 
individual muscle fibres maximally contracted ; this depends 
upon the number of individual axone fibres excited (maximally 
or not at all by the all-or-none law of nerve conduction) ; and 
this depends, in turn, according to Sherrington, upon the 
amount of nervous excitation which reaches the motor centre 
where the efferent fibres receive their stimulus to excitation. 

Sherrington has evidence that each motor fibre has an 
individual, synaptic threshold of excitation, within the motor 
centre. The afferent reinforcement disturbance, when it 
arrives at this motor centre, " grips " its maximum number 
of motor fibres immediately, then loses its grip on those fibres 
having the highest synaptic thresholds, and continues to 
activate, for some time, the motor fibres with lower thresholds. 

Suppose, then, that an allied motor impulse, of less strength 
than the existing tonic discharge, arrives at the same motor 
centre from some other source within the higher centres of 
the central nervous system. This allied molor stimulus, by 
definition, is not able to " grip " as many of the individual 
efferent nerve fibres as are already being activated by the 
total tonic excitation at the centre. Yet there is an unused 
margin of potential tonic excitation coming into the centre 
over the afferents from stretched muscle fibres. This potential 
increment is not able, by itself, to become kinetic, psychonic 
(inter-neuronic) excitation, because it is unable to pass the 
synaptic thresholds of the efferent fibres which remain to be 
activated. This potential, unused increment of tonic energy 
should be released, however, by the mutual facilitation between 
it and its new ally, the phasic, allied motor stimulus of inferior 
strength. As a result, the potential tonic increment will 
become active, psychonic impulses, crossing to the hitherto 
dormant motor fibres of comparatively high threshold, thus 
increasing the motor self by an increment equal to the strength 
>&f the allied, inferior, motor stimulus. 

Suppose, on the other hand, that the allied motor stimulus 
which arrives at the common motor centre is superior in 
strength to the existing motor self, or tonic excitation actually 
crossing the efferent reinforcement synapses. Exactly the 
same release of the potential tonic increment may initially 
occur. But as soon as the superior ally grips its full quota 
of efferent fibres, a new type of phenomenon must result. 
M0re individual axon fibres will be excited, and more individual 


muscle fibres will be contracted than the total, compensatory 
tonic reinforcement calls for. That is, compensation for the 
weight constantly imposed upon the muscle will be carried 
beyond the point where compensation is complete. If 25 
per cent, of all muscle fibres are needed for complete com- 
pensation, and 35 per cent, of the total number of fibres are 
actually shortened by the superior, allied motor stimulus, then 
the tension imposed by the load on the muscle will be dis- 
tributed between a larger number of individual fibres, and 
each fibre will undergo correspondingly diminished tension. 

Parallel with the diminution of tension in each muscle fibre 
activated, the intensity of stimulation of the proprioceptive 
sensory organ within each muscle fibre will be decreased, and 
total afferent reinforcement excitation sent to the motor 
centre, will diminish by a corresponding amount. Following 
this diminution, a smaller number of efferent nerve fibres will 
be gripped by the tonic excitement, per se ; and, pan passu, 
the total strength of psychonic excitation of tonic origin will 
suffer decrement. Since this psychonic excitation is synony- 
mous with the motor self, we find that an allied motor stimulus 
of superior strength ultimately decreases the motor self by a 
decrement equal to the amount of the ally's superiority. 

The clearest indication that such a theoretically predictable 
result does, in fact, occur is to be found in the apparent diminu- 
tion of muscular tonicity and other bodily resultants of tonic 
discharge during " sexual " (love) passion. There are easily 
observable* signs of bodily lassitude and weakness, especially 
in women subjects, at the same time that the passion itself 
is felt as most intense and pervasive. This weakening of the 
self in order to surrender utterly to a loved one of superior 
strength is aptly described in Sappho's immortal lines : 

" For when I see thee but a little, I have no utterance left, 
my tongue is broken down, and straightway a subtile fire 
has run under my skin, with my eyes I have no sight, t jpv 
ears ring, sweat pours down and a trembling seizes all my 
body ; I am paler than grass, and seem in my madness little 
better than one dead." 1 Such a description would indicate 
that tonic-type motor discharge (" sweat ", etc.) is present, 
but that the motor self proper is progressively weakened 
(" little better than one dead "). 

1 Second Sapphic fragment, H. T. Wharton, Sappho, London, Re- 
print of Fourth Edition, 1907, p. 65. 


Moreover, systolic blood pressure records taken during love 
excitement sometimes show a progressive and extensive drop 
at a short interval prior to the sexual orgasm. Such drops in 
systolic blood pressure perhaps indicate that the strength of 
the heart beat, which is tonically maintained, has been 
diminished not by inhibition but by general diminution of the 
tonic outflow of motor self. 

However such cardio-vascular phenomena may be inter- 
preted, the decrease of muscular tonicity all over the body 
seems unmistakably symptomatic of lessening of tonic dis- 
charge. This decrease of the motor self does not occur im- 
mediately upon initiation of love excitement, nor does it 
occur very frequently with male subjects, or even with 
extremely passionate women subjects, except under maximally 
favourable conditions. The phenomenon seems to depend 
upon the passing of a certain threshold in the volume of phasic 
motor discharge produced by the entire love situation stimulus. 
When this volume of motor stimuli has become sufficiently 
great, the symptoms of decrease in the motor self interest 
themselves, sometimes rather suddenly. May it not be the 
case that this phenomenon occurs at the time that the total 
volume of sexual motor discharge exceeds the volume of allied 
tonic impulses ? 

If our foregoing analysis is correct, then we find that the 
motor self follows a general principle of increasing its volume* 
of intensity in response to a motor stimulus of less strength than 
itself regardless of whether the motor stimulus be allied or antagon- 
istic to the motor self, and that the motor self decreases its volume 
of intensity when reading to a motor stimulus of greater strength 
than itself, regardless of whether the motor stimulus be allied or 
antagonistic to the motor self. 

Differences Between Psychonic Relationships of Motor Self 
to Allied and to Antagonistic Stimuli 

It should be noted at this point, however, that the actual 
phenomena occuring upon the motor psychons where the 
increase or decrease of the motor self is integrated, must be 
thought of quite differently when the increase or decrease is 
accompanied by facilitation, than in the case where the change 
in volume or intensity is coupled with mutual antagonism 
between motor self and motor stimulus. When the motor 
stimulus is antagonistic to the motor self, the victor in the 


conflict wins a right of way across the disputed psychon into 
the final common path, but there seems to be no neurological 
evidence that the victor in such a conflict possesses power 
to compel the vanquished impulse to change its rhythm or 
impulse rate in such a way as to conform to and facilitate the 
impulse rate of the victorious antagonist. In the conflict 
under discussion, however, the motor self attains almost 
precisely the same result because it reinforces itself in the 
process of winning its victory by an increment as great as the 
strength of the vanquished opponent. Thus, although the 
weaker antagonist is not actually made over into the nature 
and pattern of its conqueror, the victor is increased, in strength 
or volume in its own nature or pattern by an increment identi- 
cal in strength with the vanquished stimulus. 

The result which occurs when the motor stimulus is the 
victor is not precisely the same as in the case just considered. 
When the motor stimulus wins through into the disputed 
common path, it has no mechanism for self reinforcement 1 
and remains, therefore, of exactly the same strength it was 
in the first place. The diminution of the motor self in this 
case rather represents a readjustment of tonic discharge to 
permit the victorious phasic impulse to hold Us own, specific 
course, than a general defeat of the motor self proportionate 
to the victory of the stimulus. In short, there is a conceded 
victory for the motor stimulus without any enhancement 
of the latter. This is followed by a readjustment of the motor 
self which, if the integration is completed, restores harmony 
to the entire integrative picture. By means of this adjust- 
ment, all parts of the motor self save that interrupted, and also 
the motor stimulus may follow their own paths without mutual 

In the case of a real alliance between the motor self and the 
motor stimulus, however, each continues in union with^tjie 
other, no matter which ally is in quantitative supremacy. 
When the motor self decreases in reaction to an allied motor 
stimulus of superior volume, it does not step aside, as it were, 
and permit the victorious motor stimulus to continue on its 
way unimpeded. The decreased motor self, even though 
made smaller by the presence of the victorious motor stimulus, 

1 According to a recent statement by Sherrington, during the lecture 
referred to above, the flexor muscle of the knee, an anti-tonic muscle, 
possesses no mechanism for progressive self reinforcement. 


must continue to facilitate the victor across the common 
psychons, and into the final common path. This relationship, 
therefore, seems to represent nearly the converse of the antag- 
onistic integration wherein the motor self was reinforced in 
victory by the quantitative equivalent of its opponent. Yet, 
in victory, the enlarged motor self could maintain no further 
relationship with its vanquished opponent, while in allied 
defeat the diminished motor self must continue to maintain 
tributary union with its victorious ally.. 

In the case where the motor self was found to increase as a 
result of union with a weaker ally, this same continued contact 
between superior and inferior members of the alliance is found 
to exist. This integrative situation would be nearly, though 
not quite, the converse of that antagonistic integration wherein 
the motor self was diminished, and subsequently made a forced 
adjustment to the right of way won by its opponent. In the 
latter instance, the motor self, following its readjustment, might 
recover its internal harmonization of motor discharge, and 
the victorious impulses themselves, if of sufficient volume, 
might separately facilitate one another. But this would not 
affect any psychonic juncture between motor self and the 
victorious opponent. In the converse allied integration, 
however, the victoriously enlarged motor self would continue 
to receive tributary facilitation from its increased ally through-* 
out the duration of the relationship. 

The " Emotion Circle " of Integrative Relationships Between 
Motor Self and Motor Stimuli 

If the above is a correct description of the basic integrative 
principles involved, we now have a complete analysis of the 
self -regulatory mechanisms by which the tonic motor discharge, 
or motor self, readjusts itself upon coming into contact with 
plj^sic reflexes, or motor stimuli at entrant psychons to final 
common paths leading to those muscles which are continuously 
used to keep the body in its normal posture. According to 
this analysis, we find that two separate integrative principles 
appear to operate regardless of how one of these principles 
may be combined with the other. The two principles may be 
stated as follows : 

i. Alliance and antagonism of motor stimuli toward the 
motor self evoke corresponding alliance and antagonism from 
the motor self. 


2. Inferior intensity of volume of the motor stimulus 
evokes increase of intensity or volume from the motor self ; 
and superior volume or intensity of the motor stimulus evokes 
decrease of intensity or volume from the motor self. 

Thus, an antagonistic motor stimulus may possess either 
inferior or superior intensity, and the motor self may respond 
by an attitude of antagonism plus either increase or decrease of 
its own intensity. An allied motor stimulus, similarly, may 
possess either inferior or superior volume to that of the motor 
self, and the motor self should thereupon react by an attitude* 
of alliance plus either an increase or a decrease of its own strength* 

It is convenient to think of the strength of the motor self, 
plus the strength of the motor stimulus, as representing a 
constant or balanced equation. Whatever intensity or 
volume value is thereafter removed from one side of this 
equation, must be added to the other side to keep the equation 
balanced ; and whatever intensity or volume value is sub- 
tracted from one side must similarly be added to the other 
side to balance the equation again. 

If, now, we combine in every way possible the two sets of 
integrative relationships above described, we shall have a 
continuous series of motor stimuli, and a corresponding series 
of motor self responses, each varying from its predecessor in 
the series by a just noticeable quantitative difference in degree 
oi harmony, and in degree of intensity or volume difference. 
Such a continuously graded series of motor stimuli and motor 
self responses are represented in an accompanying diagram. 

The entire series is represented in circular form, just as the 
just distinguishable colour sensation series may be represented 
schematically in circular form, and is frequently termed the 
" colour circle " or " colour pyramid. " The four primary 
colours placed at the four corners of the base of the colour 
pyramid represent turning points in the entire series where a 
given type of colour change has reached its maximum. Th^re- 
after the alteration of hue begins to shift in a new direction. 

In exactly the same way, the points D, I, S, and C represent 
nodal points in the integrative emotion series. At each of 
these points one type of change in one of the two sets of 
integrative relationships reaches its maximum and begins to 

Thus, the point D at the top of the diagram represents a 
maximal value of antagonism between motor stimulus and 





" The Emotion Circle and the Colour Circle " l 

1 Note : These terms for intermediate colours are from Munsell. 
(See A. H. Munsell, A Colour Notation, p. 35). 


FIGURE 3. The capital letters D, I, S, C, indicate responses of the 
motor self. A plus ( -f ) sign near one of these letters, inside the Motor 
Self, indicates an increase of the Self during response ; while a minus 
( ) sign indicates a decrease. 

Arrows between Motor Self and Motor Stimuli indicate relationship 
between these two elements during response. Relative length of arrows 
indicates preponderance of one or other element, (also indicated by plus 
or minus sign near arrow). Arrows pointing in opposed directions 
indicate antagonism between Self and Stimulus ; arrows pointing in 
parallel directions indicate alliance. 

The small letters (c), (s), (i), (d), indicate the type 01 Stimulus 
adequate to evoke each response ; the Stimulus (c) being in the same 
relationship to the Self as the Self is to its stimulus at C, etc. A minus 
( ) sign near a small letter indicates a decrease of the Stimulus as a 
result of the Self's action upon it ; while a plus ( -f ) sign^iudicatcs 
an Increase. 

The Colour Circle is placed with the four nodal points or colour, blue, 
red, yellow, and green, in positions corresponding to the four nodal 
points 01 emotion, dominance, inducement, submission, and compliance. 
An identity of integrative principles has been suggested by preliminary 
research in naive associations between primary colours and primary 
emotions (see Psyche, October, 1927, p. 4). 

The points marked " x " on the Motor Self circle suggest just-dis- 
tinguishable differences of response, in between nodal points D, 1, S, C, 
comparable to violet, purple, carmine, etc., on the colour circle. 

motor self. As we proceed clockwise toward the point I, 
this antagonism may be thought of as becoming continuously 
less, until at I an alliance relationship appeals. But at this 
same point, I, the inferiority of motor stimulus strength and 
the,, corresponding increase of motor self energy reaches its 
maximum, and begins to change toward the opposite relation- 
ship, which* first appears decisively at S. At this lowest 
nodal point, S, the alliance relationship between motor stimulus 
and motor self has reached its maximum, and begins to fall 
off as we proceed upward toward C, where alliance has dis- 
appeared altogether and antagonism relationship has re- 
appeared. At the point C, again, the decrease of motor self 
intensity and response to superior stimulus strength has 
reached its maximal value, changing again to the opposite 
relationship by the time our starting point, D, is again reached. 
Starting at the nodal point, C, which is the point at the 
extreme left of the diagram, we may summarize the relation- 
ships and reactions at the nodal or primary points of the 
diagram as follows : 


Motor stimulus (a^ Antagonistic to motor self. 

(b) Superior strength to motor self. 

Reaction of motor self (a) Antagonistic to motor stimulus, 
(b) Decrease of strength. 



Motor stimulus (a) Antagonistic to motor self. 

(b) Inferior strength to motor self. 

.Reaction of motor self (a) Antagonistic to motor stimulus, 
(b) Increase of strength. 


Motor stimulus (a) Allied with motor self. 

(b) Interior strength to motor self. 

Reaction of motor self (a) Allied with motor stimulus, 
(b) Increase strength. 


Motor stimulus (a) Allied with motor self. 

(b) Superior strength to motor self. 

Reaction of motor self (a) Allied with motor stimulus, 
(b) Decrease strength. 

We are now prepared to define the term " primary emotion " 
with complete objectivity. We must first recall that, accord- 
ing to the psychonic theory of consciousness, all relationships 
between motor stimuli and motor self represented in the 
diagram above, constitute complex units of motor consciousness, 
or emotion, at the time they occur in the form of psychonic im- 
pulses upon the appropriate motor psychons of the central nervous 
system. By defining objectively the elements composing 
these psychonic units of energy, we thereby, ipsc facto, define 
the physical aspect of the different types of emotional con- 
sciousness which we are seeking to discover. With this 
premise in mind, then, we may suggest the following definitions. 

An emotion is a complex unit of motor consciousness, composed 
of psychonic impulses representing the motor self, and of psychonic 
impulses representing a motor stimulus ; these two psychonic 
energies being related to one another, 

(1) by alliance or antagonism ; and, 

(2) by reciprocal superiority and inferiority of strength. 

A primary emotion may be designated as an emotion which 
contains the maximal amount of alliance, antagonism, superiority 
of strength of the motor self in respect to the motor stimulus, or 
inferiority of strength of the motor self in respect to the motor 

Emotions are complex motations, formed by conjunctions 
of ^various types between the motor self and transient motor 


stimuli. It is suggested that the possible types of conjunction 
constitute a continuous series, wherein each unit represents 
a quality of emotional consciousness just noticeably different 
from the emotions most closely resembling it, which lie adjacent 
to it, on either side, in the total series. At certain nodal 
points, in this emotion series, there seem to appear definite 
emotions which represent clear cut types of unit characters 
of conjunction, between the motor self and the motor stimulus. 
These nodal emotions are not modified by the admixture of 
modifying emotional qualities from other adjacent emotions 
in the series. There seem to be four such nodal points in the 
entire emotion circle, and the four emotions occurring at 
these points may conveniently be termed primary emotions. 

The names which I have ventured to select for the four 
primary emotions in the above integrative analysis were 
chosen to meet two requirements. First, the commonly 
understood meaning of the word employed must describe, 
with as great accuracy and completeness as possible, the 
objective relationship between motor self and motor stimulus 
which was to be conceived of as the integrative basis for the 
primary emotion in question. Secondly, the name chosen 
for each primary emotion must suggest the experience in 
question, as it is observed introspectively in everyday life. 
AfiQther minor consideration which entered into the choice 
of names for primary emotions was the advantage of new 
terms not afready weighted with dissimilar affective meaning 
of literary origin. No matter how clearly one may define 
in objective terms words such as " fear ", " rage ", etc., the 
previous connotation which an individual reader may have 
attached to these words, as a result of life-long learning, will 
continue reflexly to come to mind each time the term is used. 

(I) Compliance is the name suggested for the primary 
emotion located at " C " in Figure 3. The dictionary defini- 
tion 1 of the verb " comply " is : 

" i. To act in conformity with. 
2. To be complacent, courteous." 

Both these meanings of compliance (" the act of complying ") 
seem rather aptly to characterize the integrative relationship 
indicated at " C " on the diagram. The motor stimulus, 
which is antagonistic and of greater intensity than the motor 

1 Definitions herein quoted are taken from Funk and Wagnalls, Desk 
Standard Dictionary. 


self, evokes a response of diminution of the motor self, de- 
signed to readjust the self to the stimulus. The motor stimulus 
is permitted by this response, to control the organism, in part 
and for the time being, antagonistically to the motor self. 
In the course of such a response, the motor self certainly acts 
" in conformity with " the motor stimulus. In its final 
adjustment, the self may be said to be " complacent " with 
respect to control of the organism by its antagonist. 

Introspectively, the word " compliance " seems to suggest, 
to a great majority of the several hundred persons whom I 
have asked, that the subject is moving himself at the dictates 
of a superior force. 

There is no difficulty arising from the use of this word to 
designate emotion in literature, since " compliance ", in its 
literary usage customarily signifies a type of action rather 
than the emotion accompanying the action. 

(II) Dominance is the name suggested for the primary 
emotion indicated at " D " on the diagram of integrative 
relationship. " To dominate ", according to the dictionary 
means : 

" i. To exercise control over. 
2. To prevail ; predominate." 

The integrative situation described by dominance (" the 
act of dominating ") is chiefly characterized by victory of the 
motor self over an antagonist of inferior intensity. The 
motor self obviously " prevails." and " predominates " over 
its phasic antagonist throughout this integrative situation. 
The motor self " exercises control over " the final common 
path and hence it " exercises control over " the behaviour 
of the organism, removing environmental obstacles to the 
pattern of behaviour dictated by means of its own superior 
reinforced power. Thus the total objective situation, pro- 
vided our integrative analysis is correct, is fairly described 
by the term " dominance ". 

Introspectively, dominance suggests to all persons of whom 
I have inquired, a superiority of self over some sort of 

The word " dominant " has been used most frequently in 
literature to describe an " aggressive ", " strong-willed " 
type of personality or character. This seems rather in accord 
with the proposed use of the word than otherwise. 

(III) Inducement is the name suggested for the primary 


emotion indicated at " I " on Figure 3 " To induce ", 
according to the dictionary is : 

" i To influence to act ; prevail upon. 
2. To lead to." 

The integrative situation for which the term " inducement " 
is proposed consists primarily of a strengthening of the motor 
self in order more effectively to facilitate the passage of a 
weaker motor stimulus across the common psychon. The 
motor self, in such a relationship to its weaker ally, certainly 
" influences " the motor stimulus by facilitation to " the 
act " of traversing the final common path. If, as we shall 
see later, it frequently happens that the motor stimulus* is too 
weak to win its way alone to efferent discharge, then the motor 
self truly " leads " its weaker ally across the synapse, " pre- 
vailing upon " it, meantime, to facilitate the passage of the 
stronger motor self impulses. 

Introspectively, inducement (" the act of inducing ") 
indicates to a majority of the subjects asked, a process of 
persuading someone, in a friendly way, to perform an act 
suggested by the subject. This meaning, if expressed in 
bodily behaviour would be very close to the expected be- 
haviour result of the integrative relationship already described. 
The subjects' emphasis upon the " friendliness " of the per- 
suasion is very significant in making clear the nature of in- 
ducement as a primary emotion. The nature of the integrative 
relationship would necessitate perfect alliance between the 
interests of inuucer and induced throughout the entire response. 
The power of inducement in evoking alliance from the induced 
person lies entirely in the extent to which the inducer is able 
to serve the other's interest, while initial weakness in the 
person " induced " is the element which calls forth increase 
of strength from the inducer. 

The word " induce " in literary usage, like the word 
" compliance ", has been employed, for the most part, to 
describe a certain type of behaviour, in which one individual 
persuades another person to do something which the first 
individual desires him to do Little use, if any, has been 
made of the term " inducement " in designating emotional 
states of consciousness. 

(IV) Submission is the name suggested for the primary 
emotion represented at " S " in Figure 3. The dictionary 
defines the verb " to submit " as meaning : 


" i. To give up to another. 

2. To yield authority or power ; to surrender. 

3. To be submissive." 

Submissive is denned as " docile ", " yielding ", " obedient ", 
" humble ". 

The integrative situation to which the term " submission " 
is applied consists, in essence, of a decrease in the strength 
of the motor self to balance a corresponding superiority of 
strength in the motor stimulus. In assuming this relationship, 
the motor self might certainly be described as being " humble " 
and " yielding ". The motor self, in essence, is " giving up 
to " its stronger ally a portion of itself. After the motor self 
has completed its response as far as decreasing its own volume 
goes, it continues, as a weaker ally, to be " docile " and 
" obedient " in rendering facilitation to its stronger ally in 
their common path. This continued rendering of alliance 
to the motor stimulus might well be described as " yielding " 
to the authority or power of its stronger ally, while the con- 
tinuance of a motor self to render such facilitation as weaker 
ally throughout the persistence of the relationship seems aptly 
characterized as being " submission ". The bodily behaviour 
to be expected from this type of integration would be char- 
acterized as that of an obedient child toward a loving 

Introspective records on the question of what suggestion is 
conveyed by the word " submit " reveal that the essence of 
" submission " to nearly all subjects, is voluntary obedience 
to the commands of the person in authority. With women 
subjects, the additional meaning of mutual warmth of feeling 
between the subject and the person submitted to is introspectively 
present when the submission is thought of as rendered to a 
loved mother, or to lover of the same or opposite sex. The 
element of mutual friendliness (represented by alliance in the 
integrative picture), does not appear in the majority of male 
reports concerning the introspective suggestion evoked by 
the word " submission ". This is unfortunate, but I have not 
been able to find any other word adequately covering the 
objective description of this emotion which, at the same time, 
would also include the introspective meaning of mutual warmth 
of feeling between the person submitting and the person sub- 
mitted to. The word " submit ", as a name for the primary 
emotion designated, is intended to convey emphatically this 



meaning of pleasantness experienced in the act of " submission " 
by the person submitting. 

Literary use of the word " submission " has followed rather 
closely the integrative meaning as reported by my subjects. 
" Submission ", in literary parlance, customarily indicates 
a passive yielding, one to the other, yet not necessarily with 
any great amount of pleasantness in the submission exacted. 
Perhaps, this limitation found in both introspective and 
literary connotations of the word " submission " indicates 
that the connection between submitting to a lover and sub- 
mission to a person of superior power (which is submission 
closely akin to compliance) is not found properly developed 
in our present civilization and its literary records. 

Outline of Integrative Principles of Primary Emotions and 

Psychon : 

Psychonic impulse : 

Consciousness : 


stimulus : 

Sensation : 
Motation : 

Motor self : 
Motor stimuli : 

Integrative prin- 
ciples of reaction 
of motor self to 
motor stimuli : 

Primary feelings : 

Pleasantness and 
unpleasantness : 



Junctional tissue, at synapses of central 
nervous system. 

Completed excitation of any psychon from 
emissive pole of one neuron, to receptive polo 
of next. 

Psychonic impulses, or psychonic energy. 

Object or force exciting organism's sensory 

Psychonic energy at sensory synapses. 

Motor consciousness ; affective conscious- 
ness ; psychonic energy at motor synapses. 

Continuous, tonic, motor discharge across 
motor psychons ; psychonic impulses of tonic 
motor origin. 

Phasic motor impulses at motor psychons ; 
psychonic motor impulses of phasic reflex 

(1) Exerts antagonistic influence towards 
antagonistic motor stimulus, and facilitating 
influence toward allied motor stimulus. 

(2) Increases intensity in response to in- 
ferior intensity of motor stimulus, and de- 
creases intensity in response to superior motor 
stimulus intensity. 

Simplest recognizable motations ; pleasant- 
ness and unpleasantness. 

Psychonic motor impulses in relationship, 
respectively, of mutual facilitation or mutual 



Emotions : 

Primary Emotions : 

Compliance : 

Dominance : 

Inducement : 

Submission : 

Next simplest motational compounds to 
primary feelings ; composed of : 

(1) Psychonic motor impulses of motor self 
and motor stimulus in relationships of mutual 
alliance or conflict. 

(2) Motor self increasing or decreasing its 
intensity in response to inferior or superior 
intensity of motor stimulus. Psychonic im- 
pulse combinations of these two relationships 
found in continuous series. 

Nodal points of emotion series, where 
relationships of alliance, conflict, and in- 
crease or decrease of motor self reach maxi- 
mum, and begin to change toward opposite 
type of relationship. 

Primary emotions are termed : compliance, 
dominance, inducement, and submission. 

(1) Motor stimulus : Antagonistic and superior 

intensity to motor self, (initially un- 

(2) Response of motor self : Decrease of in- 

tensity, and antagonistic compulsion of 
motor self (producing indifference and then 
pleasantness in proportion to volume and 
inter-facihations of superior motor 
stimuli yielded to). 

(1) Motor stimulus : Antagonistic and inferior 

intensity to motor self, (initially un- 

(2) Response of motor self : Increase of in- 
tensity, and antagonistic compulsion of 
motor stimulus, (producing pleasantness 
in proportion to success, co-existing '*\ith 
original unpleasantness). 

(1) Motor stimulus : Allied aud inferior in- 

tensity to motor self, (pleasant). 

(2) Response of motor sell : Increase of in- 

tensity, and allied compulsion of motor 
stimulus, (increasingly pleasant). 

(1) Motor stimulus : Allied and superior 

intensity to motor sell, (pleasant^. 

(2) Response of motor self : Decrease of in- 

tensity, and allied compulsion of motor 
self, (increasingly pleasant) 


ALTHOUGH the method pursued in building up an integrative 
basis for primary emotions may have seemed to consist, up 
to this time, of making a purely logical analysis of neurological 
results, I may say that the discovery of the four nodal points 
of primary emotion was the result, originally, of quite a 
different type of analytical procedure. I had worked for a 
number of years with systolic blood pressure and reaction-time 
deception tests, and other physiological measures of emotion, 
amassing a considerable quantity of unpublished material. 
I found it impossible to interpret or understand this data 
without the aid of some tenable hypothesis of basic psycho- 
neural mechanisms of emotion. 

No such hypothesis existed. The literary names for various 
emotions popularly used were utterly confusing, overlapping, 
ami misleading. I had found in the deception test results, 
for example, what seemed to me clear enough indication of 
two antagonistic emotional influences concerned with the 
" deceptive " consciousness. To lump these two opposite 
emotional states, which appeared to manifest observably 
contrary effects upon bodily behaviour, into a single un- 
analysed compound, and to label this unknown quantity 
" fear ", seemed to me scientifically inexcusable. At the 
same time, systolic blood pressure and reaction-time measure- 
ments of emotion, by themselves, do not offer nearly meaning- 
ful enough a basis for construction of such a hypothesis as 
seemed necessary. 

It appeared to me that the procedure best adapted for 
forming a tenable hypothesis of emotional mechanisms would 
necessarily contain two types of research. First, a series 
of clinical studies of child and adult behaviour, somewhat 
after the Watsonian fashion. Second, an objective analysis 
of the behaviour observed with a view to discovering its 

113 x 


common factors and least common denominators, if any such 

I have been greatly aided in this process, begun in 1922, 
by volunteer student assistants, who invariably manifest 
keen interest in emotional behaviour, and who frequently 
seem to possess more genuinely scientific attitude in report 
iid analysis of such behaviour than do persons more highly 
trained in research who are compelled, perhaps, to conform 
to conventional methods of already established schools of 
scientific thought. 

I was also fortunate in being able to observe a great deal of 
emotional behaviour " in the raw " during a mental health 
survey of school children in New York City, and a similar 
survey of penitentaries in the state of Texas. During the 
New York survey it was my good fortune to make individual 
personality studies of approximately two hundred and fifty 
children who represented school behaviour-problems, of one 
sort or another, under the able leadership and tutelage of 
Edith R. Spaulding, M.D., who directed the survey. 1 Doctor 
Spaulding's keen insight into emotional problems of delinquent 
behaviour revealed in her report of the Bedford Hills studies,* 
coupled with her clinical work in endocrine diagnosis and 
treatment, suggested new and constructive points of view 
in analysis of emotional behaviour. 

During the Texas survey, we administered the usual in- 
telligence tests to prisoners in thirteen prison farms scattered 
throughout the state, and to the prisoners confined in the 
penitentary proper, at Huntsville. After scoring and classify- 
ing the group tests of all the prisoners held at a given place 
of confinement, I was given the opportunity to interview 
each convict individually for the purpose of making a separate 
study of each individual. While interviewing the prisoner 
I had before me his complete record. This included a brief 
account of the crime of which he was convicted, his own 
statement regarding guilt or innocence, his behaviour record 
while in prison, a special physical examination record, and his 
intelligence and performance-test records. 3,451 convicts 
were studied in this way, approximately ninety per cent, of 

1 This survey was conducted under the auspices of the National 
Committee for Mental Hygiene. 

"Edith R, Spaulding, An Experimental Study of Psychopathic 
Delinquent Women, New York, 1923. 


whom were men. 1,591 of the subjects were negroes, 364 
Mexicans, while the balance were American born, or natives 
of English-speaking European countries. The largest occupa- 
tional group was that of the farmers, who numbered 656. 
Fifty-eight per cent, of the prison inmates admitted having 
been arrested more than once, while forty per cent, claimed 
that they had never previously been charged with criminal 
behaviour. Altogether, this group of prison inmates may be 
taken as fairly typical of prisoners caught in asocial behaviour 
in the less densely populated regions of the United States. 
I was able to make rather satisfactory studies of the prisoners 1 
attitudes toward their own conduct, their views of Society 
and its treatment of them, and also of the homo-sexual relation- 
ships inevitable in prison life. 

During the personality studies of Texas prisoners, the four 
primary emotions suggested in the last chapter began to take 
definite shape. I classified the main behaviour trends of the 
prisoners, so far as these trends could be reduced to emotional 
common denominators, into four primary classes which I then 
termed " acquisitiveness ", " dominance ", " creation ", and 
" submission ". 

After conclusion of the prison survey, I applied these four 
primary emotional behaviour mechanisms, as suggested by 
the previous work with students, and the survey studies, to 
clLikal subjects during a year's practice as consulting psycho- 

The folloW&ig year, I conducted a student's clinic at Tufts 
College, Massachusetts. During this clinical work we used a 
somewhat amended version of the four primary emotions 
concepts previously mentioned. The problems which came 
to us included not only student difficulties of adjustment to 
college work and environment, but also the students' economic 
problems, and affairs of the heart, which in some instances, had 
serious ramifications. Parallel with the student clinic, a 
course was given in emotional analysis of normal persons. 
The first half year was devoted to analysis of emotional 
behaviour concerning remunerative work which the students 
had done or desired to do. The second half-year was given 
over to behaviour studies concerning home and love adjust- 
ments. A great deal of worth-while material was discovered 
and reported upon by the students in the course of attempted 
analysis of themselves and of their fellow students. The four 


primary emotion mechanisms received further clarification, 
and revision, the term " adaptation " taking the place of 
" acquisitiveness ". 

I spent another half-year in fitting together the various 
types of results at hand, and in attempting to work out a 
definite neurological basis upon which the " emotional common 
denominator ", which seemed clearly to appear in the clinical 
results, might most probably be based. The results of the 
entire procedure as outlined are being reported in this volume. 

One of the most striking aspects of human behaviour 
throughout the series of observations seemed to me to be a 
close resemblance between certain human reaction tendencies 
and the general principles observable in the behaviour of the 
physical forces of nature. 

Dominance in the Behaviour of Forces of Nature 

It has become a proverb that a stream of water flows over 
(i.e. dominates) the course of least resistance. If we compare 
the gravity-impelled onrush of the water to the tonic motor 
discharge of the human organism, we find that the reactions of 
the two toward opposing obstacles follow much the same 
principles. Opposition which is weaker than the rushing 
water is dominated by the stream roughly in proportion to 
the difference between the strength of the current and the 
weakness of the opposition offered. Moreover, in propoitton 
as the opposition is overcome the stream grows more powerful. 
When the obstacle offered by a river bed is completely removed, 
the falling water rushes downward in a cataract of terrific 
force, like Niagara Falls. Other forces of nature react in the 
same way toward opposing forces. Electric charges, like 
streams of water, selectively dominate those conducting 
materials which present the least opposition. Gases expand 
into those areas where there is least opposing gaseous pressure. 
The intensity, or power of all these reacting forces, each in 
its individual way, increases in proportion as its opponent is 
overcome. The stimulus to the dominant reaction of any 
natural force may be defined in the same way that we defined 
an adequate stimulus to the dominant response of a human 
being, that is, an opposing force of less power than the reagent. 

So far our observation concerning the reaction of one 
physical force to another merely amounts to defining the 
relationship between two physical forces, which obtains 


when one force acts as adequate stimulus evoking dominance 
from the other. The domination of the weaker force by the 
stronger one seems so wholly axiomatic that it hardly needs 
comment. Nevertheless, looking at the weaker or less complex 
force as a mechanistic-type cause, it is important to observe 
that by its very element of weakness relative to a stronger 
or more complex physical force, it is able to control the latter 
by causing the stronger force to select this particular weaker 
force to dominate. Granting that the weakness of one force 
constitutes the selective stimulus evoking dominance response 
from a stronger physical force, what do we find to^be the 
measure of increase, if any, which the stronger force gains 
in the process of dominating the weaker one ? That is, in 
so far as interactions between physical forces go, does the 
dominant reagent increase its power in the course of dominating 
its weaker opponent ? It would seem to be the fact that the 
stronger reagent does increase its force in the process of 
dominating its weaker opponent, and that the increase is 
approximately equal to the strength of the vanquished an- 

A river, for instance, when opposed by a dam, piles itself 
up against the barrier with accumulative increase of water 
pressure exerted against its opponent. This increase in the 
riser's power, in the form of water pressure, increases in 
proportion to the increase of the opponent's force. The 
higher the dam, the more water accumulates behind the dam, 
and the more total pressure is exerted by the river against 
its opponent. When, at last, the river rises above the dam 
and begins to flow over it (or when an opening is offered 
through or around the barrier) the river's domination of its 
weaker opponent is consummated. The force then exercised 
by the water pouring over or through the conquered barrier 
will be greater than the original force of the undammed river 
by an increment of increase approximately equal to the 
opposing force of the dam which the river was obliged to 
overcome in attaining its dominant end. 

We may summarize by the statement that, as far as the 
physical forces go, it would seem to be the attribute of relative 
weakness in the inferior force that constitutes the adequate 
stimulus to dominance reaction by the stronger force. The 
stronger force increases its power during the process of dominat- 
ing the weaker by an amount approximately equal to the 


opposing power of the weaker force which was overcome in 
the process of domination. 

Contrast between Motor Stimuli and Environmental Stimuli 

When we apply this dominance equation to dominance 
reaction of the motor self to motor stimuli of inferior intensity 
we must first of all distinguish sharply between environmental 
stimuli and motor stimuli. The amount of dominance emotion 
which will exist upon the appropriate motor psychons of the 
central nervous system and the intensity of the dominance 
behavieur expressive of this dominant psychonic energy will 
represent not the reaction of the motor self to the observable 
environmental stimulus, but rather the response of the motor 
self to the motor stimulus which, as a result of past experiences, 
may be released by a seemingly trivial environmental stimulus. 

For example, homicide is not infrequently committed as a 
reaction to an environmental stimulus furnished by the gesture 
of a perfectly harmless person toward his hip pocket. The 
environmental stimulus in such cases was of negligible intensity 
and probably not even antagonistic in its relationship to the 
subject. But upon previous occasions the gesture of reaching 
toward a hip pocket where a revolver was carried constituted 
an environmental stimulus requiring prompt and violent 
dominance response to overcome it. Thus, as a matter *of 
learning or conditioning by past experience, this mild en- 
vironmental stimulus had become endowed with % ihe power to 
evoke motor stimuli antagonistic to the subject's motor self. 
These motor stimuli, though of great intensity, are yet known 
to be less powerful than the available motor reinforcements 
at the subject's command. Therefore, these motor stimuli 
are adequate to evoke a dominance response to maximal 
violence, and this response is called forth by an environmental 
stimulus of totally different nature. 

In such an instance the great discrepancy between environ- 
mental stimulus and motor stimulus is clearly evidenced by 
the nature of the resulting behaviour. It should also be 
noted that in such an instance the increase of the intensity 
or strength of the motor self which reacts dominantly toward 
the environmental stimulus is measured by the intensity of 
the antagonistic motor stimuli, and has no relation whatever 
to the strength of the environmental stimulus which sets off 
the reaction. Though the case cited is no doubt rather an 


extreme one, incongruities of the same nature between en- 
vironmental stimulus and motor stimulus should be looked for 
in every instance of behaviour analysed. 

Dominance in Human and Animal Behaviour 

Dominance seems to comprise the most fundamental and 
primitive type of emotional integration found in animals 
or human beings. As we have already noted, the decerebrate 
dog and monkey manifest a typical domination emotion in 
response to any antagonistic motor stimulus possessing less 
integrative power or intensity than the reacting motor self 
of the animal possesses. 

Goltz found that a decerebrate dog manifested no emotion 
except what Goltz described as " rage "^ This response as 
described in the animars behaviour seems to have constituted 
a very uninhibited and aggressive type of dominance emotion. 
The difference between this dog and a normal animal, which 
evidently accounted for the absence of other emotional 
responses, was the fact that no motor stimulus could be 
evoked, in the decerebrate animal, which was integratively 
stronger than the entire motor self. 

This effect, of course, was to be expected in the absence 
of higher integrative centres of the cerebral hemispheres. 
-^ motor stimuli, moreover, would effect the motor self as 
opposition stimuli, for the same reason. Overwhelming of 
minor units* of tonic discharge on the one hand, and alliance 
with minor units on the other could only occur at motor 
psychons below the level of the tonic centres. Such inter- 
ruptions or facilitations therefore, would be unable to effect 
an antagonistic dimunition or an allied increase in the motor 
self, or total tonic discharge. Hence, according to our fore- 
going integrative analysis, compliance emotion on the one 
hand, and the higher pleasure emotional elements of love 
or " sex " (i.e. inducement and submission), on the other hand, 
could not possibly occur. This was precisely the result 
reported by Goltz. The only integrative mechanism intact 
in this animal would apparently be reinforcement of the tonic 
outflow in response to an integratively weaker opposition 
motor stimulus. This response would remain so long as the 
tonic reinforcement mechanisms themselves remained un- 

1 F. Goltz, " Der Hund ohne Grosshirn, Arch, fur d. gesam. Physiol. 
1892, vol. i. p. 570. 


impaired. The behaviour resulting would be an uninhibited 
aggressive attack upon the environmental stimulus, and the 
only emotion remaining would be pure dominance. 

When we examine the behaviour of human infants, we find, 
similarly, that this same type of dominance emotion is among 
the first to develop. In fact, Watson reports 1 that this 
dominant type of behaviour constitutes an inherent or un- 
learned emotional response. Watson, following the literary 
precedent, refers to this reaction as " the emotion of rage ". 
Were it not that the behaviour as described by Watson seems 
clearly Jo indicate both pure dominance response and com- 
plicated factors of a thwarted nature, there would be no 
especial objection to following the lead of the poets and term- 
ing the whole response " rage ". There is, however, distinct 
evidence of a baffled or thwarted element which is not normally 
present in the infant response of dominance at its inception, 
both according to my own observations, and to those of 
Watson. This element creeps into the child's reaction more 
or less gradually as the emotion proceeds toward its climax. 

Watson describes the environmental stimulus to " rage " 
response as " hampering of bodily movement ". He used 
the method of holding the infant's head tightly between the 
hands, pressing the arms to the sides, or holding the legs 
tightly together. These environmental stimuli, of course, a^e 
felt by the child as opposition forces. But the opposing 
stimuli are integratively inferior to the tonic me tor self of 
the infant, for otherwise the pre-existing bodily position or 
attitude would be altered, and new anti-tonic types of bodily 
movement would appear. Instead, however, there is a 
" stiffening of the whole body, free slashing movement of the 
hands, arms and legs, and the holding of the breath ". All 
these symptoms constitute enhancement or exaggeration of 
the previously maintained tonic posture and movement, 
which the opposition stimulus hampers but does not integrat- 
ively interrupt. In short, the motor self of the infant increases 
in the process of overcoming an opposing or hampering force 
of less integrative force than itself. 

Up to this point there is no evidence of any integrative 
phenomenon except that of pure dominance. " There is no 
crying at first ", says Watson, " then the mouth is opened 
to the fullest extent and the breath is held until the face 

1 J. B. Watson, Behaviorism, 1925, New York, p. 122. 


appears blue ". Screaming and crying may also enter the 
total response after the thwarted or baffled element has begun 
to manifest itself. The nature of this complicating element 
of thwartedness will be described at greater length in a succeed- 
ing chapter. For the present it is sufficient to distinguish 
clearly between pure dominance of child behaviour, and dom- 
inance plus thwartedness. The latter may accurately enough 
be termed " rage ", since literary meaning seems to accord 
fairly well with the psycho-physical fact at this point. 

Easily observable dominance emotion, then, is to be found in 
decerebrate animals and in human infants ten to fifteen days 
after birth. 

Development of Dominance Response in Young Children 

In the average child dominance emotion seems to develop 
unchecked, for the most part, during the first two or three 
years of infancy. Watson mentions " the never to be forgotten 
experience " of arousing extreme dominance in his two year 
old daughter while walking across a crowded street. The 
child suddenly pulled her father in an opposite direction to 
that in which she was being led. The father " quickly and 
sharply jerked her back, and exerted steady pressure upon 
her arm to keep her straight ". The child then " suddenly 
stiffened, began to scream at the top of her voice, and lay 
down stiff as a ram-rod in the middle of tl^e street yelling 
with wide open mouth until she became blue in the face, and 
continuing to yell until she could make no further sound ". 
This bit of behaviour is given by Watson as illustrative of 
" rage " and there certainly seems to be a definite amount of 
baffledness or thwartedness in the total response which justifies 
use of the term " rage " to characterize a part, at least, of the 

But the entire reaction seems to me to reveal an underlying 
basis of maximally intense dominance throughout. Every 
action, even including the screaming, constituted an increase 
of the force of the motor self, to overcome the opposition 
stimulus represented by the father. The child was simply 
determined to " have her own way ", as the current phrase 
puts it, and she called on her motor reinforcement mechanism 
to its utmost possible power to accomplish this result. More- 
over, so far as Watson informs us, the child did have her own 
way. The fact that she might have been carried bodily; in 


the direction the father desired need not, and probably did 
not operate as an integrative defeat to her unchecked domin- 
ance. Only an environmental stimulus capable of producing 
motor stimuli more powerful than the motor self of the child 
could have operated to turn her dominance emotion into 

According to my own observation, little girls are apt to 
develop certain emotional elements of inducement and sub- 
mission about the time the earliest indications of sexual 
development appear. This may occur from the third year 
on. Bays, on the other hand, appear to suffer an accession 
of dominance practically parallel with the appearance of 
other secondary sex characteristics. I have observed in 
some cases what seems to be a continuously cumulative 
development of dominance in male children from birth to 
adolescence. In a properly trained child this dominant 
development may be fairly well controlled by a parallel 
learning of compliance response. But in male children of 
inadequate home training, dominance may develop, at an 
extraordinarily early age, to an extreme where it cannot 
thereafter be checked by environmental restraint, no matter 
how physically overwhelming the restraining influence may be. 

I once had occasion to observe a boy, five and a half years 
old, who was spending the summer in care of an adoring feit 
incompetent mother. This child seemed to possess no more 
than a normal male complement of dominant emotion. 
Yet a total absence of emotional training had brought the 
boy to the point where no environmental stimulus which 
could be inflicted upon him evoked motor stimuli more power- 
ful than his own determination to do as he pleased. He 
paid no attention whatever to his mother's commands to 
give up other children's toys, or to come home for meals. 
One day the mother had been searching some time for her 
small son, when she noticed a group of children playing on 
the beach. 

" Is Edgar there ? " she called. 

" No, he is not ", replied Edgar's voice from the midst of 
the group on the beach. 

To Edgar, an excited and physically powerful mother 
represented an opposition stimulus capable of being brushed 
aside by the slight increase in his own motor set necessary 
to speak a few words of reproving denial. This was the sort 


of thing that went on in Edgar's case throughout the greater 
part of the summer. 

Then the child's father came down to the shore for a two 
weeks' vacation. The father was of different emotional 
mould from the mother. During the first week of his vacation 
he systematically chased Edgar, carrying him off forcibly 
from his play when called, and taking away forbidden toys 
with a considerable excess of violence when the child refused 
to give them up. But a week's treatment of this sort had no 
observable effect on Edgar. When his father snatched a 
toy out of his hand, the child attacked the father's. leg with 
both fists, howling the while for the return of his plaything. 
I saw this occur perhaps twenty times, with no diminution 
whatever in the boy's dominance. Then Edgar's father 
decided that it was time for sterner measures. But these 
likewise had no effect for some time. 

Finally, the father actually injured the child by whipping 
him with what looked like a good sized club. After this, 
the first evidences of compliance began to appear in the child's 
behaviour toward his father. Gradually under this method 
of training, continued by the mother as well as by the father, 
the boy began visibly to weigh in the balance the strength of 
the opposition which he would be called upon to face in case 
lie, failed to obey. If he decided, on the basis of his new 
experience, that his parents were within easy reaching distance 
of himself ,*and that they were worked up emotionally to an 
intensity of feeling likely to result in a whipping, Edgar would 
trot along, unconcernedly, in obedience to their commands. 
On such occasions he appeared to be the most docile child 
in the world. If, on the other hand (especially in the case 
of his mother) the tone of voice or physical pre-occupation 
of a parent seemed to argue comparative weakness in relation 
to Edgar's own running ability, the boy would dash off in an 
opposite direction, defying the parental dictum quite as 
unconcernedly as he had previously obeyed it. Edgar now 
invariably manifested, however, a very much greater increase 
in his own motor energy than he had displayed in resisting 
commands at the beginning of the summer. 

I have given this example of child behaviour at length, 
not because it is unusual in type but because it seems to 
illustrate rather completely the natural development of 
untrained dominance in a perfectly normal male child.. It 


also illustrates rather well, the difference in emotional meaning 
between environmental stimuli which are more integratively 
powerful than the child's motor self and those which are merely 
more powerful physically than the child's body. In this case 
of Edgar, actual injury was done to the child's body before the 
resulting motor stimuli evoked within his central nervous sys- 
tem proved to be more intense than his motor self. Had the 
parents been wiser, of course, they might have been able to 
devise environmental stimuli of superior intensity in a more 
humane and expeditious manner. But this result is not an 
easy one to accomplish once the dominance response is 
permitted to develop in excess of the other primary 

Borderline between Normal and Abnormal Dominance 

It should again be emphasized that Edgar was, as far as I 
could determine during a rather careful study of three months, 
a perfectly normal child. When a child is emotionally 
abnormal, especially as a result of some continuous internal 
stimulation like hypersecretion of a glandular substance, 
control of dominance emotion may be still more difficult. 
Many of the children who were sent to us as behaviour problems 
in the public schools undoubtedly fell into this classification. 

A boy between ten and eleven years of age, for instance^ 
had developed a singular predeliction for " gang " warfare 
with boys of his own age and older. This youngster was 
particularly bright mentally as indicated by the Stanford- 
Binet test, and also by teachers' reports and school records. 
He was alert, and attractive in physical appearance. More- 
over, he possessed a certain amount of tractibility when asked 
by a woman teacher, as a personal favour, to behave himself 
in school ; and when under the influence of older persons 
whom he liked during outside activities. But his home 
training had been woefully deficient, and in addition to this 
lack of emotional training, he was also suffering from endo- 
crine imbalance, according to the medical diagnosis. The 
emotional appeal which any sort of opposition exercised 
over this lad's dominance was truly astounding. An opposi- 
tion stimulus aroused a dominant response no matter how 
intense or physically powerful the environmental stimulus 
might be. For example, this boy led his own " gang " into 
a deliberate attack upon a rival group of youths many years 


older than the subject's crowd, and outnumbering the younger 
boys almost two to one. When stones, knives, or heavy 
sticks were used in a fight it seemed to stimulate the boy Jack 
to almost superhuman strength and aggressiveness. In short, 
an opposition environmental stimulus was not ever felt as 
stronger than the boy's own motor self. The added environ- 
mental intensity seemed to register only as an increase in the 
opposition or antagonism. 

Jack represented a type of boy whose dominance had been 
developed, evidently by endocrine abnormalities, to a degree 
where no amount of intensity in the environmental stimulus 
was capable of evoking motor stimuli more powerful than 
the boy's motor self, even though severe physical injury might 
be inflicted by the environmental stimulus. This case is 
cited here merely to mark the border line between unbalanced 
dominance emotion resulting from lack of training, yet sus- 
ceptible to being turned into compliance merely by intensifying 
the environmental stimulus sufficiently ; and unbalanced 
dominance emotion abnormally maintained in a state of 
hyper-excitability by continuous intraorganic stimulation. 
This type of over-dominance is definitely abnormal because 
it is incapable of integrative conversion into compliance by 
means of increasing the strength of the environmental stimula- 
tion applied, sufficiently to cause bodily injury. 
* There are other methods of controlling dominance, besides 
this compulsory transition to compliance, which will be dis- 
cussed later. In the present chapter, however, we are con- 
cerned, primarily, not with the methods of emotional education, 
but merely with tracing the characteristics and limits of 
dominance emotion as it appears in various types of human 

Summary and Analysis 

Summarizing our analyses of dominant behaviour up to this 
point, we may detect in every instance the following elements : 

(1) An antagonistic motor stimulus of less intensity than 
the motor self. 

(2) A dominance type of response evoked by this type of 
stimulus, including, 

(3) An increase in the strength of the motor self equal to 
the intensity of the opposition stimulus dominated. 

In the decerebrated animals studied by Sherrington and 


Goltz, deprivation of the integrative motor centres possessing 
ascendency over the tonic centres presumably caused every 
environmental stimulus to evoke motor stimuli antagonistic 
to the motor self of the animal, and of inferior integrative 
potency to the free tonic discharge, enhanced as it was by 
removal of cortical inhibition. The animals manifested 
typical domination response to these inferior antagonistic 
motor stimuli. The increase of the tonic discharge in each 
case was easily observable and was apparently proportionate 
to the exaggerated intensity of the intervening motor stimuli. 

In Watson's observation of unlearned rage emotion in young 
babies, we find first of all an antagonistic environmental 
stimulus consisting of " hampering of the child's movement ". 
As above noted, the motor stimuli evoked by this type of 
environmental stimulus must be less intense at all times than 
the child's motor self since the previously existing motor set 
or attitude was not altered. The response evoked was purely 
dominant in type, at least at its inception. The increase in 
the intensity of the motor self, in this type of reaction, seems 
to approximate very closely the measurable intensity of the 
environmnetal stimulus administered. That is, the observed 
increase in strength of the child's muscular contractions 
runs closely parallel to the increase in weight or other types of 
antagonistic pressure which the child is compelled to over- 
come in trying to carry out his former movements. It may >te 
noted in connection with this type of dominance response that 
opposition pressure sufficient to stop all movenfent of the 
child's arms and legs does not suffice by itself to evoke motor 
stimuli of superior intensity to the child's motor self. 

In the case of the two year old child who lay down in the 
crowded street rather than yield to guidance which was 
opposed to her own pre-existing motor set, we find an extra- 
ordinary increase of intensity of the child's motor self occur- 
ing in the course of her dominant behaviour. It is, of course, 
possible that this marked increase in intensity of the motor self 
represents a learned incongruity between environmental 
stimulus and the motor stimulus which, through previous 
experience, it had acquired power to evoke. On the other 
hand, if we assume that the child had not had previous 
experience with " quick, sharp jerks ", administered by an 
apprehensive parent, by naughty boys in the course of play, 
or by experimenting psychologists in the course of testing her 


" rage " emotions, we may regard her excessively intense 
dominance response as approximately equal to the antagon- 
istic motor stimuli which would probably be evoked by the 
environmental stimulus consisting of a " quick sharp 
jerk ". 

In considering the " rage " emotion of fifteen-day-old 
babies, we noted that opposing pressure sufficient to prevent all 
movement did not evoke motor stimuli of superior intensity 
to the motor self. A " quick sharp jerk " seems to be an 
environmental stimulus peculiarly well adapted to evoking 
motor stimuli still more intense than those resulting from 
mere stopping of the movements. The " quick sharp jerk " 
then, evidently was felt by the child as more intense opposition 
to her motor self than a more steady, continuous pressure, 
sufficient to prevent her from moving as she desired. Yet, 
this quick, sharp jerk did not suffice, apparently, to evoke 
motor stimuli more intense than the child's motor self. The 
dominance response still appeared with an increase in the 
intensity of the motor self again approximately proportionate 
to the antagonistic environmental stimulus, even though this 
time the stimulus quickly and sharply jerked the child's 
whole body antagonistically to the maximal opposition of the 
motor self. 

With Edgar, the five and a half year old child whose domin- 
ar*C had been allowed to develop unchecked, we may note 
the intensity threshold of environmental stimulus necessary 
to evoke mctor stimuli more intense than the motor self in a 
normal organism. In Edgar's case, at least, this threshold 
was not passed until actual injury had been done to the 
subject's body. Not only did " quick sharp jerks " and 
shakings fail to register in Edgar's organism as more powerful 
than his own motor self, but even a considerable amount of 
pain stimulation inflicted with a small whip and moderate sized 
sticks similarly failed to pass what may be called " the com- 
pliance stimulus threshold ". The intensity of the motor 
stimuli evoked by an injury to the child's body may have 
arisen quite as much from the idea that something very 
serious had happened to him, as from the actual pain exper- 
ience accompanying the injury itself. The pain, however, 
was undoubtedly more severe than that which the child had 
experienced from previous whippings. At any rate, bodily 
injury giving rise to considerable pain did succeed, apparently, 


in making itself felt by the child as a stimulus more intense 
than his own motor self. 

At the point of passing this threshold, Edgar's behaviour 
became a mixture of dominance and compliance. Evidently 
part of the environmental stimulus was still felt as of inferior 
intensity, while the other part had passed the threshold and 
had ceased to evoke dominance response at all. This case 
illustrates, in all probability, the limit of normal, naive domin- 
ance, pretty much unmodified by admixture of other primary 

In the case of Jack, the youthful gangster, we find an 
abnormal condition of the dominance mechanism which raises 
the compliance stimulus threshold to a point where it could 
not be passed even by environmental stimulation consisting of 
bodily injuries (of which Jack had received a number). In 
short, no possible intensity of environmental stimulus seemed 
capable, in Jack's behaviour, of evoking motor stimuli more 
intense than the child's motor self. When such a condition 
of the dominance mechanism is found in a child below the 
age of adolescence, it almost inevitably indicates that the 
child has experienced or is experiencing continuously, an 
amount of dominance stimulation abnormally great in pro- 
portion to adequate stimulation of the other primary emotions. 

Dominance Behaviour of Less Extreme Character , e 

The instances of dominance emotion so far considered 
have all shown dominance responses of extreitfe intensity, 
with behaviour symptoms the character of which was obvious. 
When dominance occurs in more ordinary and usual behaviour, 
its emotional quality is still easily discernible from objective 
analysis of bodily response, and from its relation to the environ- 
mental stimulus. We may note a few such instances. 

When the infant grasping reflex develops, almost immedi- 
ately after birth, the reinforcement of this response is particu- 
larly notable. An attempt to pull away from the baby a rod 
or stick which he has grasped, or about which his fingers have 
been passively pressed by the experimenter 1 will be felt by 
the baby's grasping the stick more tightly, to resist the experi- 
menter's attempt to take the stick away. There we have the 
motor self increasing its own intensity in order to overpower 

1 Watson states that he employs this method of evoking the reflex 
in the first place. J. B. Watson, Behaviorism, p. 98. 


an antagonistic stimulus of less intensity than itself. This 
dominance response may continue until the child is actually 
suspending its own weight by means of his grasp on the rod. 
Older infants, in their play, continually manifest dominance 
emotion. A small boy of three or four years may persist for 
a quarter of an hour or more in trying to push a velocipede 
or toy wagon into a space too small for the toy. In one in- 
stance of this sort which I happened to observe, the child 
finally succeeded in this effort at the cost of a broken wagon 
wheel. The environmental stimulus in this case was clearly 
antagonistic, and to the child, with his limited experience 
concerning the strength of environmental opponents, the 
stimulus seemed weaker than himself. At any rate, the 
motor stimuli which the wagon evoked actually proved 
weaker than the child's motor self since he persisted in his 
action without change of method. 

Dominance of the Chase 

One type of dominance response common to animals, 
young children, adult males, and some women, consists of 
chasing anything that runs away from the subject. Running 
away is a type of behaviour which makes the fugitive a 
perfect stimulus to the dominance emotion of the pursuer. 
On the one hand, it makes the fleeing animal antagonistic 
td (| the subject, because it diminishes the subject's visual and 
other sensory perception of the disappearing object, and 
may also indicate that the running animal is being driven 
away by the subject's antagonistic influence. On the other 
hand, it clearly stigmatizes the fugitive as inferior in strength 
to the subject. Once the subject begins pursuit, his domi- 
nant purpose is to stop the flight of the fugitive. The fleeing 
animal opposes this purpose by continuing to run, while, 
all the time, he admits himself weaker than the pursuer by 
his very flight. The subject responds with the purest possible 
type of dominance response ; his motor self increasing, 
cumulatively, and his antagonism to the fugitive corres- 
pondingly increasing at every stride. 

This type of dominance response may aptly be called 
" dominance of the chase ". It has most frequently been 
regarded as " hunting instinct ", or " the instinct to kill ". 
Nothing more elaborate than the simplest type of dominance 
integration seems necessary to explain the phenomenon in 



its entirety. The feature that has led to such striking 
uniformity in hunting behaviour of men and animals is the 
peculiar aptitude of this type of stimulus to evoke pure 
dominance response ; and the existence of a compliance 
response mechanism also in men and animals, the untrained 
development of which causes them to run away if the strength 
and nature of another creature is unknown. Thus the 
primary emotional response mechanism of one animal in- 
evitably causes it to stimulate another animal to dominance 
of the chase. 

Berry reported that kittens which had been given no 
opportunity to learn from older cats, made no effort to catch 
or kill mice when the mice did not run away from the kittens. 1 
Yerkes and Bloomfield, upholders of instinct, reported that 
one kitten out of four (younger than those studied by Berry) 
chased a mouse spontaneously, and after some practice 
caught and killed a mouse. 2 But as nearly as one can tell 
from their report, the moiise ran away first. And the other 
mice did not happen to run away from the other kittens. 
Once dominance of the chase is evoked by a mouse running 
away, the bodily structures of the cat, tonically innervated, 
and dominantly reinforced, seem sufficient to result, inevit- 
ably, in catching and killing the fugitive mouse. These same 
structures, activated by dominance of the chase response, 
also cause the cat to chase and " kill " a fugitive mechancdal 
mouse, or a wad of paper on a string. It is the integrative 
mechanism of dominance emotion which is inherited, and 
which activates, because of its connection with the motor 
self, all body structures tonically innervated, whatever 
those structures may be in any animal species. If the struc- 
tures are adapted as are the muscles, claws, and teeth of a 
cat, to catching and killing a smaller animal, then the fugitive 
is caught and killed. A naive human child, without such 
bodily structures, makes no effort to tear apart or kill a 
fugitive kitten or dog which he has caught, though he may 
maul the animal about in the manner to which the toni- 
cally innervated muscles of his hands and arms are best 

1 C. S. Berry, " An Experimental Study of Imitation in Cats/ 'Journal 
of Comparative Neurology and Psychology, 1908, vol. XVIII, p. I. 

2 R. M. Yerkes and D. Bloomfield, " Do Kittens Instinctively Kill 
icg ? " Psychological Bulletin, 1910, vol. VII, p. 253, 


Cats chase mice, dogs chase cats, young children chase 
cats and dogs, and adult males chase women and wild animals. 
In every case, running away is the stimulus which evokes 
dominance of the chase. In several of the cases cited, the 
fugitive wants to be chased, (animals for purposes of play, 
women for purposes of love), and runs away because ex- 
perience has taught that dominance of the chase can almost 
certainly be evoked by flight, and that this response once 
evoked, nearly always supercedes all others in controlling 
the subject's emotions. 

" Destructive Dominance " 

Another form or expression of dominance emotion which 
frequently appears in the behaviour of boys from the ages 
of two or three to the end of adolescence, is what might be 
termed " destructive dominance ". A young child may 
spend an hour or more erecting a structure of blocks, only 
to knock it down with great violence and apparently with 
great satisfaction. The blocks have worked themselves 
into the position of antagonists to the child by virtue of 
their refractory behaviour when he tried to place them in 
unbalanced positions, in the course of his building activities. 
The completed pile, however, represents an environmental 
stimulus known to be very much weaker than the child's good 
right arm. There follows, then, a dominance response 
peculiarly satisfying to the child because the intensity of 
the emotion is out of all proportion to the intensity of 
the environmental stimulus as it then presents itself, which 
is all the opposition that need be overcome to give the child 
a dominant triumph over environment. The intensity of 
the dominance emotion thus expressed is the product of 
motor stimuli aroused by past building difficulties, and trans- 
ferred to the blocks by a process of learning, or reflex 

At a later age, destructive dominance of this same type 
may reach rather dangerous heights. Vacant houses are 
pretty sure to have their windows and doors thoroughly 
smashed if there are any number of male youngsters in the 
neighbourhood. I have known several instances where 
deserted barns and outbuildings have been set on fire by 
boys ten to thirteen years old, apparently as an expression 


of sheer destructive dominance. 1 All dominant behaviour 
of this type manifests, of course, a variety of emotional 
transfer by which harmless environmental objects acquire 
the tendency to evoke intense antagonistic motor stimuli. 

Competitive Dominance 

The dominance response evoked by competition with 
other youngsters is of great importance, both in the school 
room and on the play ground. The essence of competition 
seems to be an arrangement of the total environment situa- 
tion in such a way that each child feels every other child 
engaged in the same task or game to be his antagonist, yet 
an antagonist of inferior ability or strength. I have made 
the experiment of removing this element from a competitive 
situation by demonstrating conclusively to one of the com- 
petitors that his opponent could undoubtedly do better 
work than himself. Once the boy became really convinced 
of this fact he lost all interest in the competition and turned 
in a result (arithmetical sums) only about fifty per cent, 
as good as his previous average under former conditions of 

I have also observed, in giving mental tests both to adults 
and to children, that the test scores apparently can be greatly 
improved by emphasizing the possibility that the group 
to be tested has an excellent chance of bettering the scsolre 
made by another rival group. This result was especially 
notable in certain convict groups and in the army testing. 
I have also many times observed the converse situation where 
unusually poor test scores appear to result from initial know- 
ledge that the individuals tested do not compare well in 
test passing ability with other persons tested. 

In general, moreover, the two elements of the competitive 
situation, antagonism to rivals and regarding the rival of 
inferior ability, are very much harder to establish with groups 
of women than with male subjects of similar qualifications. 
In one instance, a girl art student of unquestionably superior 
ability, habitually refused to work if required to do so under 
conditions of competition. The explanation of this girl's 

1 Of course, it might be more exciting to suppose, as some psycho- 
analysts do, that all incendiary behaviour is expressive of suppressed 
" sex desire ". But we must sometimes sacrifice " mental sex-stimula- 
tion " to truth, 


behaviour seems to be that the competitive situation im- 
mediately imposed upon her the feeling that the work of 
the other students might be better than her own. This 
interpretation of the stimulus situation totally eliminated 
its character as an adequate stimulus to dominance. Again, 
the explanation of female incompetence in passing a mental 
test may very frequently lie in the subject's seeming inability 
to regard fellow students as rivals, or to feel any element 
of opposition in either the test itself or the examiner. Girls 
frequently appear just as weU satisfied with a poor record 
as with a good one, and seem willing to submit to any degree 
of harshness of criticism, or reproof from the teacher or 
examiner without themselves assuming the least antagonism 
of attitude. 

An illustration of this type of behaviour may be found 
in the case of two girls whose test scores in both the group 
tests and individual Stanford-Binet tests placed them in 
the feeble-minded class. The IQ of one of these girls, figured 
from total test results, was about sixty-five. The other 
showed an IQ of less than fifty. In the course of a person- 
ality analysis, and not for the purpose of rectifying test 
results, I induced one of these girls to answer accurately 
nearly all the Stanford-Binct questions appropriate to her 
physical age (the child having had no opportunity to learn 
the correct answers, since the personality interview im- 
mediately followed the Binet test). The other girl could not 
be induced to answer more than half the questions, even 
under the conditions of the personality conference. Of 
those she answered, more than eighty-five per cent, were 
answered correctly. In short, these children responded 
normally to a friendly, or allied environmental stimulus, 
but they did not respond at all to the element of antagonism 
or rivalry in any stimulus presented to them. 

Conditioning of Adult Dominance Responses 

In adult life dominance is almost always found to be very- 
much modified as a result of two types of emotional learning. 
First, nearly all normal adults have come to regard a great 
majority of the environmental stimuli presented to them 
as more powerful than themselves. The motor stimuli 
evoked by most environmental situations, therefore, are 
more intense than the motor self of the adult subject. As a 


result, the stimulus evokes compliance rather than dominance. 

Secondly, nearly all normal adult males have learned to 
express dominance toward certain special types of environ- 
mental stimuli connected with their business or principal 
occupation. Doctors, especially, exemplify this type of 
emotional learning. It seems significant in this connection 
that the central tendency of mental tests scores found among 
medical officers in the army was notably lower than the 
central tendency of test scores among most other classes of 
army officers. The doctors, in other words, had become 
more highly specialized with regard to the class of environ- 
mental stimuli capable of evoking dominance response than 
men of education in other occupations. 

Examples of intense dominance emotion in adults are very 
easy to find by analysis of crucial situations occurring in the 
course of the subject's special business, or other occupation. 
If a business man learns that a rival is getting the best of 
him in competing for a certain market, he immediately 
releases his utmost personal energy and financial power to 
overwhelm the rival and recover the market. It has been 
frequently stated in the press, for example, that Henry 
Ford, finding himself in danger of being outdone in the cheap 
car market, has reorganized and retooled his entire manu- 
facturing plant at a cost estimated at $100,000,000, for tfce 
purpose of re-establishing his control over the car market. 
This seems in point as an example of sheer doitiinance re- 
sponse. The environmental stimulus represented by General 
Motors and other rival car interests was unquestionably 
antagonistic to Ford, and was, moreover, of such intensity 
that it would have evoked motor stimuli stronger than the 
motor self in nearly all individuals. Ford, however, the 
strength of whose motor self may be measured in terms of 
both his enormous wealth and his extraordinary personal 
ability, felt his rival to be less powerful than himself, and 
responded to the challenge with an increase of his own power 
which may well prove sufficient to overcome the opposition 
offered. (There is also, of course, in Ford's behaviour, a 
large element of compliance which we may refer to again 
in the next chapter). 

Adult males manifest dominance emotion to a consider- 
able extent in sports as well as in business. International 
tennis matches, polo matches, swimming competitions, and 


Olympic games are of absorbing interest to a great majority 
of men in the competing countries, no matter how little 
inclined these men may be to engage personally in athletics 
of any kind. The social or vicarious element in this attitude 
will be dealt with in a later chapter. But at the present 
moment we may note that the underlying emotional interest 
which supports international athletic competitions is a 
dominant one. Such athletic events merely represent highly 
specialized and selective competitive stimulus situations. 
In a Davis Cup tennis match, for example, the best player 
on both sides is necessarily a man who possesses extraordinary 
reserve reinforcements of tonic energy. His opponent is an 
environmental stimulus rendered completely antagonistic 
both by the rules of the game, and by the conflicting personal 
and national interests involved. Each antagonist must 
regard his opponent as less powerful than himself, for other- 
wise, his motor self would comply instead of increasing its 
intensity at the crucial moment of the game. Each en- 
deavours to reinforce his motor self, then, by an increment 
of energy sufficient to overcome his rival and reap the honours 
in store for the winner. In addition to this rather naive 
dominance response, manifested by the players themselves, 
the popular press of the rival nations involved in the tourna- 
r^ent endows each of these best players with a motor self 
of enormous proportions, by the systematic alignment of 
the national dominance, so to speak, behind the individual 
dominance of the players. Thus, millions of individual 
motor selves may actually be fluctuating with the changes 
in the tonic energy experienced by the men on the court. 
This situation is practically the only one to be found in 
which the dominance response of enormous numbers of 
people not only can be combined, but also even synchronized. 
A large amount of compliance is involved in the athletic 
competition situation, just as in the business behaviour 
mentioned. The compliance elements remain to be con- 
sidered in the next chapter. 

Sex Differences in Dominance 

Sex differences in adult dominance emotion are perhaps, 
on the whole, less pronounced than are sex differences in the 
dominance responses of children and adolescents. Women 
are now engaging more and more extensively in business and 


sports. The emotional training which they thus receive 
tends, apparently, to enhance their dominance emotion and 
to place it more nearly on a par with that of men. The 
effect of this development is now beginning to make itself 
apparent in the emotional training of the younger generation. 
Adolescent girls and very young women are pre-empting the 
spot light of publicity in national sports contests to nearly 
as great a degree as adult murderesses, mistresses of kings, 
and other notable female characters pre-empted it in former 

The mainstay of adult female dominance emotion, how- 
ever, still remains, to a considerable extent, the same in this 
generation as it was in the days of Roman intrigue and 
Alexandrian revelry. That is, the seeking of " social " 
prestige probably represents the most usual female expres- 
sion of dominance. Rival matrons and debutantes represent 
antagonistic stimuli of varying intensity, but always seem 
incapable of evoking motor stimuli superior in strength to 
the " society woman's " motor self. The lady in question 
responds to such a stimulus by increasing her social energy 
in the form of more lavish display and so-called " entertain- 
ment ", or by the purchase of more expensive and fashionable 
gowns or other possessions. By this increase in her motor 
self, the seeker for social prestige purposes to sweep all rivals 
from her path, and to control that extremely intangible but 
much-talked-of " society ". Since the prize sought is itself 
based upon other emotions than dominance, we may defer 
further analysis of this type of dominance response until a 
later chapter. 


In summary, we may define dominance as an emotional 
response which is evoked by an antagonistic motor stimulus 
of inferior intensity to the motor self of the subject. 

There frequently appears a marked incongruity between 
the nature and intensity of the environmental stimulus and 
the resulting intensity of dominance emotion expressed in 
dominance behaviour. This incongruity simply means that 
the animal or human being has undergone previous ex- 
periences which have endowed an inadequate environmental 
stimulus with the ability to evoke, in the subject organism, 
antagonistic motor stimuli of an intensity corresponding 


to the dominance increase in the strength of the motor se*f 
actually manifested in the instance observed. The dominant 
character of the emotion is determined by the inferiority of 
strength which the motor stimuli are felt to possess in com- 
parison with the motor self. But the amount of intensity 
increase shown by the motor self in the dominance response 
approximately equals the intensity of the motor stimulus 
which the dominance reaction is intended to overcome. 

Dominance response possessing the characteristics just 
defined is to be found as a behaviour principle in the inter- 
action between inanimate forces of nature, in decerebrate 
animals, in children immediately after birth (suspending self 
by reinforcement of grasping reflex), in adolescents, especially 
boys, and in adults of both sexes, principally males. 

Dominance emotion may be said to constitute by far the 
largest and most important element in the emotional in- 
fluence upon the behaviour of all children for the first three 
to five years of life, and of a great majority of males from 
birth to death. Since our civilization is man made, domi- 
nance is probably the emotion most universally admired 
by both sexes. 

Dominance is found to be the theme expressed in countless 
monuments, sculptures, musical compositions and other 
wqrks of art. Of all these glorifications of dominance, 
Henley's " Invictus " is perhaps the most succinct and 

Out of the night that covers me, 

Black as the Pit from pole to pole, 
I thank whatever gods may be 

For my unconquerable soul. 

In the fell clutch of circumstance 

I have not winced nor cried aloud. 
Under the bludgeomngs of chance 

My head is bloody, but unbowed. 

It matters not how strait the gate, 

How charged with punishments the scroll, 

I am the master of my fate ; 
I am the captain of my soul. 

The Pleasantness and Unpleasantness of Dominance 
The consciousness experienced during dominant behaviour 


of the kind described, varies considerably in its pleasantness 
or unpleasantness, according to introspective reports of 
different observers. Jack Dempsey, former heavyweight 
boxing champion, has stated (to friends, and not for publica- 
tion), that he " likes " a fight, from beginning to end : but 
that his " biggest kick " comes at the moment he delivers 
a knock-out " sock ". Sometimes he enjoys the crowd's 
enthusiasm after a victory, but sometimes he does not. As 
far as one can judge, the degree of pleasantness that Dempsey 
says he feels depends rather upon his consciousness of per- 
sonal dominance over his opponent, than upon the attitude 
of other people toward him as victor. Another type of 
pleasant emotional response is no doubt felt upon the receipt 
of the cash won by the fight in one way and another, but that 
need not be considered here. 

It is hard to say how much of this subsequently reported 
pleasantness was actually felt prior to the knock-out, and 
how much of it has been retrospectively injected into ex- 
periences which were, at the time, unpleasant. From my 
own introspection, and from the reports of students (one 
a professional wrestler) who were more highly trained in 
self observation than was Dempsey, I should say that the 
early portion of an ultimately successful, dominant contest is 
felt as a mixture of pleasantness and unpleasantness. Tliftre 
is a certain " grimness ", " strain ", " over-tension ", or 
" desperation " about any protracted dominant struggle, 
in its initial stages, that is distinctly unpleasant. At the 
same time, there is also a distinct pleasantness normally 
felt by a truly dominant contestant, which seems to spring 
from the feeling of " my own strength increasing " to meet 
the danger, and which seems unmistakably to increase in 
proportion to the subject's success in reducing the strength 
of his opponent. 

Dempsey's report that his greatest pleasantness is felt 
as he delivers a blow which finally puts his opponent out 
of the fight is probably accurate. But so long as the issue 
of ascendancy between the antagonistic environmental 
stimulus (the opposing contestant) and the subject's own 
physical powers is undecided, there is apt to exist a parallel 
struggle, on fairly balanced terms, between the antagonistic 
motor stimulus and the motor self. This struggle is felt 
as 4 distinctly unpleasant, according to the concensus of the 


self -observations of subjects who have no end to serve by 
pretending otherwise, and who are sufficiently trained in 
self-observation to make their introspections worth while. 
Several American football players of note have published 
articles, within the last few years, setting forth their opinions 
that the unpleasantness of successful college football greatly 
exceeds its pleasantness. 

It is my own conclusion that dominance emotion is a mixture 
of pleasantness and unpleasantness throughout each dominant 
response. Even after the " knock-out " of an opponent, 
there remains a certain tinge of remembered antagonism 
which gives the final pleasantness its distinctly dominant 
savour. If the strength of the obstacle to be overcome is 
markedly inferior to the strength of the subject (like the 
child's block pile, or the windows of an empty house), the 
initial unpleasantness of undecided conflict may be com- 
paratively slight, with the nearly unalloyed pleasantness of 
final success reaching a speedy climax. It must be remem- 
bered, however, that the unpleasantness has its origin in the 
psychonic struggle between motor stimulus and motor self, 
while the final intense pleasantness has its source in the 
facilitation clue to increased out-pouring of tonic energy 
(motor self) through the motor centres. If the initial un- 
plew^antness of dominance emotion be slight, because an 
opponent is weak, the final accession of pleasantness due to 
increase of &ie motor self necessary to overcome this obstacle 
will prove correspondingly inconsiderable. // the dominance 
response is successful, it will contain a much larger comparative 
percentage of pleasantness at the end than it did at the 

The proportion of unpleasantness may reach a climax, 
in some instances of dominant response, at the point where 
self and opponent are most evenly matched, the proportion 
of pleasantness increasing thereafter, and the proportion 
of unpleasantness decreasing, in parallel degree with the 
increase of unhampered outflow of the motor self and the 
defeat of the antagonist. It is an interesting result of my 
own clinical researches that I have found many women 
subjects who repeatedly refuse to dominate business 
situations to the maximum of benefit to themselves, apparently 
for no other reason than that the dominance emotion 
involved is too unpleasant to them. I think that most 


men devote their lives to dominance not because they 
actually find it pleasant, but because they can't help it. 

Distinctive Conscious Characteristics of Dominance Emotion 

What is thought of, introspectively, as the peculiar emo- 
tional quality of dominance emotion has been variously 
characterized in literature, pseudo-psychology, and psych- 
ology. It has been named " ego-emotion ", " aggressive- 
ness ", " fury ", " rage ", " self-assertion ", " initiative ", 
"will", "determination", "high spirit", "self seeking", 
" courage ", " nerve ", " boldness ", " dare-deviltry ", " pur- 
posiveness ", " persistency ", " unconquerableness ", " stick- 
to-itiveness ", " go-getiveness ", " force of character ", 
" force ", " power ", " pioneer spirit ", " strength of char- 
acter ", " strength ", " stubbornness ", " bulldog character ", 
" doggedness ", " fighting instinct ", " instinct of self-pre- 
servation ", " superiority complex ", " inferiority feeling ", 
(Alfred Adler), " ego-centricity ", and many other nom-de- 
plumes. Sometimes the passive aspect of dominant resistance 
to the antagonist is emphasized, sometimes the active aspect 
of dominant removal of the opponent from the subject's 
path is stressed. Sometimes the term used carries the sugges- 
tion that dominance is despicable (this is usually when the 
writer feels himself or his hero to have been dominated), 
and sometimes the word employed implies a certain sancti- 
fication of dominance (as in the press enconiums tff Lindbergh, 
following his flight over the Atlantic, or in the religious 
praises of the " Almighty "). But whatever attitudinal 
meanings may be included in the term used, and whatever 
aspect or behaviour expression of the emotion ma> be se- 
lectively suggested by the word used, the common denominator 
of emotional meaning is always dominance emotion, consisting 
oj increase of the self to overcome an opponent, 

Introspectively, there is unanimous agreement among 
reports obtained from many different types of subjects that 
the essence of dominance emotion (no matter what name 
the subject may know it under), is a feeling of an outrush 
of energy to remove opposition. This feeling, with an admixture 
of unpleasantness accompanying the obstruction of the out- 
rushing energy in so far as it is obstructed, and an admixture 
of pleasantness accompanying the increase of energy outrush 
in so far as it is increased, constitutes dominance emotion. 


THE forces of nature comply with one another under appro- 
priate conditions, just as they dominate each other, as we 
have already noted, under other circumstances. A river 
may be turned from one channel into another by a wall of 
rock which chances to crop out across its former course. The 
stream does not continue to attack an opponent stronger than 
itself, but complies with such an antagonist by letting the 
opponent have its own way, and by turning its own energies 
in another direction. If the path which a stream or other 
natural force will dominate is determined by the inferior 
strength of the materials dominated, so in the same way is the 
course which a river will not follow determined by the super- 
iority of strength possessed by an opposed barrier. 

It is certainly a part of the fundamental essence of any 
physical force that it must go on dominating whatever oppon- 
ent proves weaker than itself. But it is also just as essential 
a part of the innate nature of the same physical force to comply 
with any opponent which proves stronger than itself. If 
unable to dominate any of the forces surrounding it, a physical 
force must cease to act upon them. In so far as it may con- 
tinue to exert pressure upon the stronger opponents which 
hem it in, the force has not yet been completely dominated 
by those opponents. Complete compliance can always be 
imposed upon any physical force by a sufficiently strong 
physical opponent, although the opponent may have to exert 
its power upon the compliant reagent in such a way as to com- 
pel the reagent to change its physical form, (from solid to 
liquid, or from liquid to gas). But, according to the funda- 
mental law of conservation of energy no physical force can be 
destroyed. It can only (i) dominate, or (2) comply. If it 
continues to act in its existing form, it may comply with a 
hundred stronger opposing forces, but it must also find at 
least one weaker opponent to dominate. If any physical force 



is compelled to ultimate compliance, it must change its form 
in such a way that its new physical expression can find weaker 
antagonists to dominate. 

For example, a river dammed up, as in the instance 
analysed at the beginning of the last chapter, may be com- 
pletely dominated by the opposing dam so far as the free 
flowing of the stream goes. That is, one type of activity 
or expression of the river is completely dominated by a dam 
so strong and so high that the river cannot pass it. If, then, 
the soil of the river bank at one end of the dam proves suffi- 
ciently soft to be dominated by the river, the stream may 
simultaneously comply with the unpassable dam and also 
dominate its weaker opponent, the river bank. But if such 
outlet cannot be made around or under the dam then the river 
still continues to exert increased pressure against the barrier. 
In this particular, the dam cannot dominate or over-power the 
river, and the river, therefore, is not compelled to comply 
with an opponent which is weaker than itselt in this particular. 

The sun, however, constitutes another type of opponent 
which is stronger than the river in the matter of reducing its 
pressure. The action of the sun's rays upon the water is 
able to compel the water to change its form of physical expres- 
sion altogether, from a fluid to a gas. The water thus vapour- 
ized no longer exerts pressure against the dam. Plants and 
other vegetable growths upon the bank of the dammecf-up 
river also are able to dominate the water by compelling it to 
change its form chemically, and to enter into organic mole- 
cular structure of a new type, composing the cells of the 
various plant organisms. The fish and amphibia which make 
their home in the darnmed-up river also possess sufficient 
dominance over the river to compel a chemical metamorphosis 
even more radical, by absorbing the river water into the 
chemical structures of their own body cells. All types of 
inanimate physical forces must behave in the same way 
according to the fundamental reaction principle of compliance, 
whenever they are confronted by antagonistic forces more 
powerful than themselves. 

' If the physical forces faced by an opponent of superior 
strength comply with that opponent by decreasing the force 
of their opposition to the stronger antagonist, what is the 
measure of this decrease which the compliant reagent must 
undergo ? In the case where the river, dominated by its 


opposing dam, was able to find its way around or under the 
dam, the volume of water which thus escaped evidently would 
represent the difference between the former total overflow 
of the river and the value of the opposed holding power of the 
obstacle to the river's progress. In the same way, the amount 
of water vaporized under action of the sun's rays represents 
a total volume of loss to the water pressure power of the 
dammed up stream equal to the difference between the initial 
volume of water and the strength of the antagonistic sun's rays 
acting upon it. The total volume of loss to the river of its 
molecular chemical structure H 2 O, as a result of the superior 
chemical forces exerted by plants and animals upon it, must 
approximately equal the difference between the initial quantity 
of H 3 O molecules present in the dammed-up river and the 
antagonistic forces exerted by plants and animals with which 
it was necessary for the water of the river to comply. 

A rule may be formulated from these examples as follows : 
A physical force decreases Us power in making a compliance 
reaction by an amount approximately equal to the difference 
between its own initial strength and the force of its superior 

Compliance Response in Human and Animal Behaviour 

Compliance response is to be found in the behaviour comple- 
ment of a decerebratc animal such as those studied by Sherring- 
ton and Goltz. Such compliance, however, as is manifest in 
the reactions, of artificially simplified organisms of this type 
does not carry with it compliance emotion as we have defined 
it in the integrative analysis of chapter six. Although a 
physical reflex can be made integratively to supersede a single 
tonic discharge unit of the motor self, the mechanism by which 
this conquest is brought about by a motor stimulus is of a 
nature comparable with the interaction of inanimate physical 
forces. The motor stimulus appears merely to overpower one 
specific unit of the motor self at a motor centre leading to the 
final common path but below the centres through which the 
intensity of the entire tonic self is regulated. Though the 
central nervous system interacts between higher and lower 
levels in such an exceedingly complicated manner that we 
cannot say with certainty what neural units are involved even 
in the simplest reflex response, we may yet feel fairly certain 
that the strength of the motor self is neither increased nor 


diminished throughout the persistence of the control of the 
lower motor centre by the intercurrent reflex. That is to say, 
in this type of conquest of tonic discharge by intercurrent 
motor stimuli, we apparently find the result accomplished 
by means of a greatly simplified antagonistic mechanism. 
One small unit of the motor self seems initially to contest 
possession of a motor psychon with a stronger antagonistic 
motor stimulus. When the stronger motor stimulus has 
won its way through to discharge there seems to be no further 
integrative action taking place because the higher centres 
capable of bringing about a further adjustment of the entire 
tonic discharge in reaction to the supremacy of this motor 
stimulus have been removed from the animal by operation. 
If this analysis of results is correct, we may conclude that all 
primary emotions except dominance require the presence of 
motor areas of the central nervous system integratively pre- 
dominant over the tonic centres involved in that particular 

The work of Head and Holmes 1 already mentioned, seems 
to indicate that both dominant and compliant adjustments 
of the motor self may be mediated through the thalamic centres 
alone, after these centres have been freed from the influence 
of the cerebral cortex. Many of the physical reactions to 
affective stimuli made by patients suffering from unilateral 
thalamic lesion described by Head and Holmes were reactions 
of the so-called adaptive type. That is, many of these re- 
sponses were of a compliant nature giving free rein to the 
influence of an antagonistic motor stimulus upon the organism, 
by diminishing and readjusting tonic motor discharge. Such 
reactions were clearly compliance responses. They were all 
over-reactions, and all were unpleasant at their inception so 
far as one may judge from the reports, with indifference or 
even marked, contrasting pleasantness accomplished as a result 
of the adaptive readjustment. Does this behaviour indicate 
an integrative picture of exaggerated compliance response ? 
It seems to be a justifiable guess that it does. 

Compliance in Infant " Fear " Responses 
Watson has described a certain type of infant behaviour 1 

1 H. Head and G. Holmes, " Sensory Disturbances from Cerebral 
Lesions," Brain, 1911, vol. 34, p. 109. 
8 J. B. Watson, Behaviorism, pp. 121 ff, 


which he calls " fear ". Only two situations, according to 
Watson, are capable of producing this " fear ". One is a 
removal of all support from an infant's body, and the other 
is a sudden loud sound near the infant's head. The " fear " 
response described by Watson consists, first, of " a jump, a 
start, a respiratory pause followed by -more rapid breathing, 
sudden closure of eyes, clutching of hands, puckering of lips ". 
Following this initial response occurs an entirely different 
type of behaviour. This second group of reactions consists of 
" crying, falling down, crawling, walking, or running away, 
often defecation and urination." The first group of behaviour 
symptoms clearly indicate an access of tonic energy cal- 
culated to combat and dominate the motor stimuli in various 
ways. The second group of the behaviour symptoms just as 
clearly indicates a decrease of the strength of the motor self 
and a yielding to whatever effect the motor stimulus may 
have upon the organism. Mixed up in the subsequent symp- 
toms, however, there are behaviour indications of certain 
thwarted or defeated elements, which perhaps, when present, 
justify use of the time-worn literary term " fear ". Without 
the admixture of this defeated element, however, the second 
group of symptoms described by Watson show only two 
types of environmental stimulus capable of evoking motor 
stimuli of sufficient intensity to integratively overpower the 
me tor self. It is probable, of course, that many other types 
of environmental stimuli too severe to be inflicted upon a 
human infant experimentally might possess this same power. 
Watson reports that this compliant type of response was more 
pronounced in infants without cerebral hemispheres, a 
result in accord with our interpretation of the findings of Head 
and Holmes mentioned above. 

The Watsons also found that normal human infants grasped 
all objects with no regard for the nature of the stimulus, 
even though it might be a furry animal, a noise-making 
stimulus, such as a pigeon in a paper bag, or even a lighted 
candle. It was found, however, that the child could be 
taught not to reach for an object by a varying number of 
burns inflicted by a candle flame, or by rapping the hand 
of the child sharply with a ruler when he reached for the 
object. It is to be noted that compliance response could 
not be brought about by an environmental stimulus of com- 
paratively mild intensity such as the sight of a candle flame 


or the combined tactual sensations and visual perceptions 
of an animal which might be capable of biting and injuring 
the child. Compliance response could, however, be compelled 
by an environmental stimulus as intense as the tactual pain 
administered by contact with the flame, or by the painful 
sensations following a brisk stroke of the ruler upon the 
child's knuckles. The compliance response, once learned 
in this way, was readily transferred to whatever environ- 
mental stimulus might be associated with the pain in the 
child's experience. To put the matter in our own terms, 
the environmental stimuli of burns and blows administered 
to the child's hands proved inherently capable of evoking 
motor stimuli of superior intensity to the motor self. By 
administering such burns or blows simultaneously with 
perception of an environmental stimulus which naturally 
aroused motor stimuli weaker than the motor self, this in- 
adequate environmental stimulus could be endowed with 
the power of evoking antagonistic motor stimuli more powerful 
than the motor self. 

Compliance in Adult " Fear " Responses 

Blatz 1 has performed an experiment with adult subjects 
which indicates that adults manifest much the same type of 
compliance response as that reported by Watson in infant 
behaviour. Blatz constructed a chair in the laboratory in 
such a way that it could be made to fall backward suddenly 
by pressing a lever in an adjoining room. Subjects were led 
into the laboratory blindfolded, and were then seated in the 
chair and bound securely to it. Electrodes connected to an 
electrocardiograph were attached to the subject's body 
together with apparatus for recording the breathing. A 
majority of the subjects were women. Each subject was 
told that the purpose of the experiment was only to record 
the breathing and heart beat during a fifteen minute period 
of quiet. After several periods of quiet had been given each 
subject, as promised, the chair was suddenly pulled over, 
without warning, causing the subject to fall backward. 

All subjects reported an experience of fear when they felt 
themselves falling backward without support. This situa- 

1 W. E. Blatz, " Cardiac, Respiratory, and Electrical Phenomena 
Involved in the Emotion of Fear," Journal of Experimental Psychology , 
1925, vol. 8, pp. 109-132. 


tion precisely duplicated Watson's experiments during which 
he pulled the bed clothes from under babies, or suddenly 
dropped them on pillows while they were in the process of 
falling asleep. The behaviour symptoms also closely dupli- 
cated the infant behaviour reported by Watson. Blatz's 
subjects first struggled sharply to escape from the chair while 
it was falling, and after it had come to rest in a horizontal 
position. When they found that they could not escape the 
bonds which held them to the chair, they called out to the 
experimenter, believing that an accident had occurred. 
When they found that they could not escape, and that the 
experimenter paid no attention to their cries, the subjects 
accepted the situation and remained quiet in the chair in its 
down-tilted position (practically horizontal). 

This behaviour indicates that the adults reacted in pre- 
cisely the same way as did Watson's infants ; first reacting 
with dominance response, and then with compliance emotion. 
The initial struggle to escape clearly required increase of the 
motor self in an effort to overcome the motor stimuli evoked 
by the loss of bodily support. The cry for help to the ex- 
perimenter indicated that the subject had realized the superior 
intensity of the antagonistic motor stimuli, and this call for 
assistance represented his last dominant effort to escape 
from the awkward and unusual position imposed upon his 
body. Thereafter all subjects showed complete compliance 
response, consisting of acceptance of the environmental 
stimulus imposed, and a readjustment of their own bodies 
to meet the new situation without attempting to alter it in 
any way. This necessitated an initial decrease in the motor 
self to permit the dominant environmental stimulus to effect 
the body in any way it pleased. 

Bodily measurements of heart and breathing, recorded 
automatically while the subject was falling and for a period 
of ten minutes or more thereafter, revealed a double series 
of alternations between dominance and compliance response. 

1, For a period of five seconds following the fall, the pulse 
rate jumped from 88 to 102, with other bodily symptoms 
similarly indicating increase of the motor self running par- 
allel. This might be termed " unsuccessful dominance 
response ". 

2, Next followed a ten second period during which the 
pulse was retarded and tonic energy, expressing itself in 


strength of heart beat, pulse rate, and breathing, was clearly 
decreased below its initial status. This period might be 
termed one of " compulsory compliance ". 

3, Next followed a second period during which the pulse 
was accelerated, not so high as during the unsuccessful 
dominance response, but of longer duration. Other bodily 
symptoms also indicated increase of the motor self during 
this period. This might be called a period of " dominance 
readjustment " to the superior environmental stimulus. 

4, Gradually the pulse rate and other symptoms of bodily 
tonicity declined. This decline continued until the third 
minute after the fall. This again may be regarded as a 
compliant decrease of the motor self possibly designed to 
permit the triumphant motor stimuli to exercise whatever 
effect they were capable of exerting upon the readjusted 
balance of energy, in order to insure complete conformity 
of the decreased motor self in its readjustment condition 
to the dominant motor stimuli. It might be termed a 
compliance testing period. 

5, This final compliance period in turn gave way to a final 
increase in heart rate and other tonic symptoms, to a level 
slightly higher than the initial one. At this level, the motor 
self seems to have remained constant throughout the re- 
mainder of that particular day's record. This final period 
represents a continued compliance with the motor stimuli 
imposed, yet a slightly increased dominance exerted toward 
other stimuli than the one of superior intensity. The com- 
pliant element, of course, was evidenced in the bodily symp- 
toms only by way of comparison between the strength of 
the motor self during the final period and its strength during 
the first period of unsuccessful dominance response while 
attempting to overcome the intruding stimulus. This final 
period might be termed the " successful dominance period." 

Basic Dominance and Compliance Response Mechanisms 
are not Altered by Learning 

It is important to observe that the emotional reactions 
of the adult subjects examined by Blatz showed no important 
differences from the emotional reactions of infants as 
described by Watson. This may be taken to indicate that 
the operation of the dominance and compliance mechanisms 
remain pretty much unaltered throughout life, provided that 


environmental stimuli can be found intrinsically adequate 
to evoke antagonistic stimuli of inferior strength to the 
motor self of the subject. The similarity of dominance and 
compliance emotions expressed by infants and adults indicates 
that emotional learning does not alter the integrative character- 
istics of these two primary emotional responses in the least. 

In the case of Edgar, considered in the last chapter, a 
true compliance response was found to be evoked for the 
first time by an environmental stimulus, bodily injury, which 
was intrinsically capable of evoking antagonistic motor 
stimuli of superior intensity to the motor self. Edgar's 
first compliance response was evoked in just the saftie way 
that similar compliance responses were evoked from infants 
by loud noises and by falling, and in just the same way com- 
pliance response was evoked from Blatz's subjects by falling 
backward. Physical pain stimuli of severe character were 
felt, by Edgar, to be superior to his bodily powers of resistance, 
just as similar pain stimuli, resulting from candle burns or 
ruler blows, were felt by infants as superior to their own 
organisms. Edgar, in short, represented a case whose com- 
pliance response mechanisms remained normal, though in a 
completely naive condition so far as the learned conditioning 
of compliance response upon inadequate environmental 
stiqiuli was concerned. 

Dangerous Environmental Stimuli are not Necessarily 
Adequate Stimuli to Compliance Response 

Environmental stimuli of the most dangerous character to 
human or animal organisms may yet be of such a nature as not 
to possess power to evoke motor stimuli more intense than the 
motor self and to thus bring about compliance response. This 
fact, of course, is one of every day experience. But it is 
also a phenomenon, the mechanism of which is not, appar- 
ently, understood. Parents and other educators of children 
of the newer schools seem prone to assume that first hand 
experience with the antagonistic forces of the environment 
is the best form of compliance teaching. Such is far from 
being the case even if the child survives his first contests 
with crowded streets, dangerous implements of various 
kinds, and other children. For, if the dangerous environ- 
mental stimulus is incapable in itself of evoking compliance 
from the child before the full force of its destructive character 


is directly experienced, the resulting response (inevitably 
transferred to other environmental stimuli also) is rather 
sure to be of an exaggerated nature, preventing efficient 
reaction to this type of stimulus in later life even though no 
actual " fear " results. 

Compliance Response Prevented by Over- Intensity of Motor Self 

In the case of the boy Jack, we noted, in the last chapter, 
that he responded with dominance reaction even to environ- 
mental stimuli that should have the intrinsic capacity of 
evoking compliance response in child or adult. Working 
against' these environmental compliance stimuli in Jack's 
case, however, there probably existed endocrine stimuli in 
his blood stream. These endocrines had the effect, perhaps, 
of raising the compliance threshold. This result may have 
been accomplished in several ways, notably : (i) by stimu- 
lating the motor self continuously to greater than normal 
intensity ; or (2) by interfering in some inhibitory way with 
the connective units in the central nervous system by means 
of which environmental stimuli such as pain, normally evoke 
motor stimuli of superior intensity to the motor self. In 
Jack's case it seemed fairly clear that the endocrine stimulus 
evoked a result of the first type, that is, it seemed to be pro- 
ducing a continuous over-intensity of tonic discharge. 
Although Jack failed to respond compliantly to physical 
pain inflicted in the course of his gangster activities, he showed 
some compliance reaction when reasoned with. Once, in fact, 
according to a report which we received from the teacher, 
the child had genuinely given up his marauding activities 
after being convinced by the principal of the school that he 
could enjoy life better in other ways. But the boy's incessant 
restlessness and physical over-intensity seemed to make it 
impossible for him to continue for a long period in a compliant 
manner of living. After a couple of months of compliance, 
his motor self evidently became so intense that it could no 
longer be dominated by argument (a connective type of cause 
in the total integrative picture, i.e. (d) in the causal analysis, 
Chapter IV). 

Suddenness of Stimulation Tends to Evoke Compliance 

I was also able to evoke brief compliance responses from Jack 
during my interview with him by sudden startling remarks 


and movements. Suddenness of stimulation by an environ- 
mental stimulus of superior intensity often produces compli- 
ance response, in cases where no amount of sheer intensity 
of stimulation is able to bring about this result if the increase 
of stimulation intensity is applied gradually rather than 
suddenly. The explanation of this phenomenon is a simple 
one. So long as the motor stimulus remains inferior to the 
motor self, dominance emotion will persist. If, then, the 
intensity of the environmental stimulus be increased gradually 
enough, time will be allowed for the motor self to increase 
its own strength prior to attack of the motor stimulus upon 
it. But if a great intensity of environmental stimufation be 
suddenly applied, motor stimuli of superior intensity to the 
motor self in its initial state of strength may be evoked before 
the reinforcement mechanism can operate to make the motor 
self superior once more to the motor stimulus. It is an every 
day experience with nearly all of us to be " startled " by some 
sudden, loud noise, or perhaps by a jovial friend's clapping 
us on the shoulder suddenly from behind. 

No matter how exaggerated the continuous motor self 
intensity may be it is easy to produce an environmental 
stimulus capable of evoking a motor stimulus more intense 
than the motor self, if the latter is not given time to reinforce 
itself. As far as my observations to date can be depended 
upon, it seems the fact that a motor self which remains 
continuously more intense than that of the average individual 
tends to be rather more susceptible to suddenly applied motor 
stimuli of superior intensity, than is the motor self of lower 
intensity level. The reason for this seems to be that the 
greater the continuous intensity of tonic motor discharge, 
or motor self, the more quickly does it react to any motor 
stimulus which may be applied to it (i.e. the latent period 
is shorter). Such an intense motor self, therefore, tends to 
react to a motor stimulus of superior intensity before the self 
has had time to be reinforced sufficiently to dominate the 
stimulus. There is, therefore, very frequently, a momentary 
flash of compliance emotion before the reinforcement mechan- 
ism is able to re-establish the normal dominant balance. The 
fact that Jack could be thus startled or compelled to 
momentary compliance by application of a sudden intense 
stimulus seems to indicate that his abnormality of dominance 
response was attributable to continuous over-intensity of 


the motor self, rather than to any interference with the 
connector mechanism necessary to the evoking of superior 
motor stimuli by an intense environmental stimulus. 

In studying convicts, I found many of the prison incor- 
rigibles to be men whose compliance response was exceedingly 
difficult to arouse because of this same, constant, over-intensity 
of the motor self. One prison farm camp was given over to 
confinement of younger criminals ; that is, boys between 
eighteen and twenty-five. Among these prisoners the per- 
centage of incorrigibles of the type mentioned was very high. 
Many of these youths appeared to me to be over-sexed. The 
male sexual hormone produces, according to my own observa- 
tions, increase of dominance as a secondary sex characteristic, 
quite as definitely as it produces hair on the face and a deeper 
toned voice. The over-intensity of motor self from which 
many of these boys suffered might very probably be attribut- 
able to a surplus male sexual endocrine. These cases might 
prove almost exactly comparable to that of the child Jack. 
Other cases, where the continuous motor self seemed even 
stronger could not be accounted for on the same basis. In 
fact, the physiological causes underlying such over-intensity 
of the motor self are at best extremely speculative in the 
present state of our medical knowledge. Some of the youths 
at the prison farm in question seemed to suffer principally 
from lack of early compliance training, which had led them 
into various types of activity tending to intensity the con- 
tinuous tonic discharge or dominant set. A few cases of war 
veterans seemed to fall into this category. 

Prolongation and Frequent Repetition of Stimulation Tend to 
Evoke Compliance 

In addition to suddenness as a condition tending to produce 
compliance response, we may also list duration or repetition 
at frequent intervals o/an over-intense environmental stimulus, 
as a second condition sometimes capable of producing compli- 
ance emotion, when a single application of an environmental 
stimulus, no matter how intense, will Have no effect. 

A physician who had been connected with army work at 
the federal prison at Fort Leavenworth told me that incor- 
rigible prisoners at that institution, who refused to go out to 
work with the other men, and who could not be shaken in 
their rebellious attitude by any extreme of rough treatment, 


were frequently compelled to work by prolongation of a com- 
paratively mild punishment. They were handcuffed to the 
door of their cells, in a normal standing position, with their 
hands at no higher level than their shoulders, during the time 
that the other men were at work. These incorrigible prisoners 
were evidently able to resist environmental stimuli of any 
intensity whatever without manifesting compliance response. 
But they yielded compliance to an environmental stimulus 
of comparatively mild intensity, when that stimulus was 
applied for seven or eight hours a day three or four days in 

On the other hand, one instance which came to the* personal 
attention of the survey staff during examination of the Texas 
prisoners indicated that repetition of environmental stimulus 
of great intensity might be expected to overwhelm a prisoner 
who showed an almost abnormal lack of compliance response. 
A young and exceedingly incorrigible prisoner, possessed, 
apparently, of a motor self so intense that his condition of 
restless tenseness was evident even to guards totally inexperi- 
enced in personality analysis, finally refused to go to work 
in the fields with the other convicts. This refusal was the 
result of a punishment which had been given him for a com- 
paratively slight breach of prison rules. The manager of 
tlje prison farm tried in various ways to compel the prisoner 
to go to work, but without result. Finally, he made appli- 
cation, as provided by the Texas penal code, for permission 
to whip this prisoner. The Texas law provided that a warden 
or farm manager might administer a maximum of twenty 
strokes of a leather strap, of prescribed size and weight, to an 
incorrigible prisoner, upon permission being granted by the 
prison commissioners. This punishment was used fairly 
frequently, and was of such severity that mere threat to apply 
for permission to whip a prisoner was usually sufficient to 
compel the most incorrigible convict to comply with the 
manager's orders. 

The young prisoner in question, however, knowing that 
twenty strokes was the maximum allowed by law, defied the 
" captain ", and received his whipping in due course. 
Although the man's suffering was undoubtedly severe, he still 
refused to comply. Now the Texas law did not limit the num- 
ber or frequency of whippings to which the prisoner might be 
subjected, provided only that permission be granted by the 


commissioners. The prison manager, therefore, immediately 
put in another application, and received a second permission 
to give the prisoner twenty strokes. This time, however, 
instead of delivering all the blows at one time, he decided to 
give the prisoner four or five strokes every day until this 
second permission was exhausted. He told the convict what 
he proposed to do, and added a statement that he intended 
to apply for further permission to whip the prisoner as soon 
as this present permit was exhausted. The man still refused 
to comply, and the " captain " administered several strokes 
that day, as he promised. Next day he came back again with 
the strap, and began to deliver another instalment of blows. 
After two strokes had been administered, however, the prisoner 
yielded, and complied with the order to go to work. This 
convict told me, when I interviewed him, that he could not 
endure the strain of taking a whipping every day because 
" fear lasted over from one whipping to the next" He said that 
no matter how much pain one punishment might cause he 
" knew that he could stand it if it was going to be over all 
in one ' lick * ". 

The potency of persistent, or frequently repeated antagon- 
istic environmental stimuli in evoking compliance emotion 
seems to depend upon the inability of the motor self to sustain 
itself at a greatly increased intensity level for any considerable 
length of time. If, therefore, antagonistic motor stimuli of 
considerable intensity can be made to persist for a period 
longer than that during which the reinforcement mechanism 
can be operated, defeat of the motor self will result and com- 
pliance response must necessarily follow. 

High Connector Threshold to Compliance Response 

There is another type of insufficiency of compliance which 
seems to be due to the second type of integrative cause men- 
tioned above, that is, to a lack of adequate connector 
mechanisms enabling environmental stimuli of overwhelming 
intensity to evoke motor stimuli superior in strength to 
the motor self. In other words, individuals suffering from 
this type of compliance difficulty exhibit extraordinary 
resistance to physical pain and other similar types of over- 
intense environmental stimulation. This sort of person 
manifests many symptoms of chronically low motor self 


intensity, though when aroused to action such an individual's 
motor self may be increased to a point of unusual strength. 

One subject of this type whose behaviour I was able to 
observe, was a college youth of considerable athletic ability. 
He played football, basketball, and other sports successfully, 
being a member of the varsity teams for several successive 
years. In basketball his game was peculiar and erratic. 
On certain occasions, he played extraordinarily well, while 
on other occasions he seemed completely phlegmatic and 
failed to respond aggressively to any amount of rough hand- 
ling by an opponent. The basketball coach told me that on 
several such occasions he had " given him hell " in every way 
he could possibly think of. He had taken him out of the 
game several times, had threatened to drop him from the 
varsity squad, and had insulted him personally in every way 
that he knew. All to no avail. The boy only looked at 
the coach apathetically, and in a pitying sort of way, some- 
times saying that lie didn't feel like playing, and sometimes 
making no reply whatever. I asked the boy himself what 
he thought of the coach, and he told me, " Blank if alright, a 
very good fellow, but I can't say he ever taught me any 
basketball. I don't think he can teach anybody. I just 
have to go on and play my own way " 

This boy was a student in one of my courses where a great 
deal of discussion was required. He seemed to follow the 
lectures Either well, but consistently refused to incorporate 
the material given him into his own methods of thought. 
Occasionally he would utter a surprisingly keen criticism 
or comment, but once his own idea was expressed he could 
never be induced to comply with the general discussion of 
the other students. His speech was excessively slow, and 
so low one could hardly hear it at times. Frequently he 
seemed actually to fall asleep in the middle of a sentence, 
his eyes closing, and his whole body slumping somnolently 
into his chair. This was in appearance only, however, for 
he never failed to complete the thought which he was ex- 
pressing. The whole picture presented by the behaviour 
of this youth was one of a motor self of very low intensity, 
able to reinforce itself almost without limit upon the rare 
occasions when an antagonistic motor stimulus could be 
evoked. The difficulty, however, of evoking such motor 
stimuli by means of environmental stimulation was extreme. 


Moreover, never once, during my study of the boy, did I 
see any evidence that a motor stimulus of superior intensity 
to his reinforced motor self had been evoked. 

In one instance, at least, environmental stimuli of an 
intensity adequate to evoke compliance from any ordinary 
subject were administered to this youth without avail. It 
was a college custom for a certain sophomore society to 
" rag " or haze the freshmen systematically. The most 
popular method of compelling the freshmen to obey their 
tormentors was to " paddle " the disobedient ones with con- 
siderable energy, using an instrument very similar to a short- 
handled canoe paddle. I was informed by the sophomore 
who had charge of ragging a group of freshmen, including 
the youth under discussion, that he had hit this boy more than 
twenty times with all his strength, finally breaking the paddle 
over the subject's buttocks without compelling the boy to 
comply in the slightest degree with the commands which the 
sophomores were attempting to impose. I asked the boy 
himself, some time after the punishment had been inflicted, 
how he was able to endure such a severe beating. 

" Oh ", he replied with an interested expression on his 
face, as if he were describing an event that had happened 
to somebody else, " there was nothing to that. I didn't 
mind it." 

" Didn't you feel like hitting the fellow who did that to 
you ? f> I asked. i 

" No ", he answered thoughtfully, " it didn't make any 
difference to me especially, so long as he couldn't make me 
do anything I didn't want to do." 

In subjects of this type it seems safe to assume that what- 
ever antagonistic motor stimuli are evoked by an intense 
environmental stimulus must be exceedingly feeble in com- 
parison to the strength of the subject's motor self. That this 
comparative weakness of motor stimuli is not due to lack of 
acuity or high threshold in the sensory mechanisms is indicated 
by the fact that the college boy whose behaviour has just 
been reported showed unusually keen sensory perception, 
with very low auditory and visual thresholds. It will be 
remembered also that he was able to follow the subject matter 
of lectures rather well and to reproduce it if he chose. 

This sort of integrative situation may be characterized 
by the statement that the connector threshold between en- 


vironmental stimulus and motor stimulus is unusually 

" Passive " Dominance is Resistance to Compliance Response 

Cases of high connector threshold like that of the college 
student just mentioned illustrate very well an aspect of 
dominance response which may be called " passive " 
dominance. The motor self fails to take the initiative, in 
such cases, because it is sensible of no threat to its supremacy. 
It is able, therefore, to manifest a high degree of what is 
ordinarily called " resistance ". Resistant behaviour when 
attributable to passive dominance emotion, is a type of re- 
sponse during which the reagent remains satisfied with 
resisting any change in the motor set maintained by tonic 
discharge. Active dominance in contrast to passive would 
be defined as a condition where the motor self, becoming 
sensible of a motor stimulus obstructing its path, actively 
hurls its increased energy, as it were, against the obstacle. 
Although no very hard and fast line can be drawn between 
active and passive dominance, the contrast between these 
two phases of dominance behaviour, in the conduct of subjects 
analysed, is often sufficiently extreme to make the use of 
specific teims representing the two extremes convenient and 
justifiable. In literary and psycho -literary terminology we 
find the distinction between active and passive dominance 
fairly well marked. " Aggressiveness ", " initiative ", " self- 
assertion ", and similar terms emphasize clearly enough the 
active aspect of dominance, while " stubbornness ", " dogged- 
ness ", and " resistance " refer particularly to passive domi- 
nance expressed in various different ways. 

" Passive " and " Active " Compliance 

It may prove advisable to emphasize, at this point, similarly 
contrasting active and passive aspects of compliance emotion. 
First the contrast may be taken with respect to the behaviour 
of interacting of physical forces. In the case of a river 
whose flow is completely stopped by an opposing dam, the 
emphasis is upon the passive aspect of compliance emotion. 
The dam, as we noted at the beginning of this chapter, is 
unable actively to remove the river from its present bed and, 
is similarly incapable of compelling the water of the river 


to change its form physically or chemically. Thus no new 
motion, or active response is required of the dammed-up 
stream. When, however, the sun begins to heat the river 
water, additional energization of the water occurs, and it 
undergoes a form of active physical change from liquid water 
to water vapour. Thus the sun, acting dominantly upon the 
river water, compels the latter to comply actively by under- 
going physical change. In a similar way plants, fish, 
amphibia, or an electric current might compel active compli- 
ance from the river water by forcing its atoms to move in 
new ways conducive to chemical changes imposed. 

Simple illustrations of active compliance may be found 
also, in the case of stones rolled down a mountain side by the 
impact of sliding earth, or other debris from above. The 
stone is not only compelled to move in active compliance 
with the force applied to it during the length of time that it 
is being acted upon by the force in question, but also must 
continue to move in that same direction until gravity ceases 
to control it, and the momentum imparted to it is exhausted. 

In the integrative mechanisms of animals and human 
beings the existence of mechanisms for active compliance 
response have already been noted. The phasic reflexes, 
whenever able to supplant the tonic motor discharge in the 
control of a final common path, may contrast the opposing 
or anti-tonic muscle. The total effect of such a procedure 
is to enable a victorious or dominant motor stimulus to 
compel active compliance from the organism by injecting 
new energy into it initially just as the sun compelled active 
physical compliance by causing the river to vapourize, and 
the electric current compelled still more active compliance 
by causing the water to manifest new chemical behaviour. 

Whenever a compliant motor stimulus succeeds in com- 
pelling a subject organism to comply actively in the manner 
suggested, the principal influence upon the subject's behaviour 
will cease with the removal or cessation of the motor stimulus. 
There will, however, be a certain persistence of the active 
compliance movement after the motor stimulus itse]f has 
actually ceased, due to the integrative phenomena of after 
discharge, central spread of phasic excitations, etc. This 
continuation of active compliance may aptly be compared 
to the law of momentum in the behaviour of inanimate 
physical objects. 


Difficulty of Compelling Active Compliance Response by 
Imposing Intense Environmental Stimuli 

We have previously considered the threshold of compliance 
response as this threshold was affected by increased intensity 
of an environmental stimulus. We have had occasion several 
times to note, however, that over-intensity of nerve impulse 
is not a condition especially conducive to smooth and maxi- 
mally effective integration. Bearing this fact in mind, we 
should not expect to find that over intense environmental 
stimuli, such as those furnished by physical pain or bodily 
injury, would be by any means maximally efficient in producing 
the active aspect of compliance response. In othe? words, 
we might expect to train an infant not to grasp the lighted 
candle by rapping his knuckles sharply each time the candle is 
presented, but this would be passive compliance. Similarly, 
we might expect that it would be comparatively easy to 
train an older child, or even an adult person to refrain from 
being impertinent to his mother, or " talking back to " a 
prison guard or warden by administering a comparatively 
light whipping. Again, such responses would represent an 
extremely passive type of compliance. 

If, on the other hand, the attempt is made to compel 
positive action on the part of the infant, child or prisoner, 
a problem of much greater difficulty is faced. An environ- 
meftial stimulus must be administered of such a nature that 
it will be atye to evoke motor stimuli more powerful than the 
motor self of the subject, yet at the same time not intense 
enough to jeopardize the smooth and efficient functioning 
of the compliant integrations which it is desired to produce. 
This is, so to speak, the problem of the ages. It has been 
faced by all tyrants of every imaginable type and degree 
who have attempted to control the behaviour of other human 
beings by sheer force. The mechanisms by which atoms and 
molecules can be compelled actively to comply with the 
dominant individual's desire are extremely simple compared 
to the integrative mechanism which must be used forcefully 
to control a human being. The human body may be forcibly 
confined or kept from certain activities by barriers 
of superior physical force. It may also be compelled to 
cease from selected activities or from all activity, if desired, 
by administering to it sufficiently intense physical stimulation 
to produce integrative inhibition or central stasis. But 


neither of these types of environmental stimulus is capable 
of compelling active compliance of a maximally efficient 

Maximally Pleasant Environmental Stimuli Evoke Active 

How. then, can active compliance be evoked ? Sherring- 
ton 1 states that reflexes tend to be prepotent which provoke 
strongly affective consciousness. He further cites two 
opposite types of prepotent active reflexes, the nociceptive, 
painful reflexes, on the one hand, and the sex reflexes, accom- 
panied hy maximal pleasantness, on the other hand. Defining 
unpleasantness as motor conflict, and pleasantness as motor 
alliance, we should then interpret Sherrington's statement 
as meaning that there are two maximally prepotent types of 
reflexes : (i) Those producing the most motor conflict 
possible, and (2) those producing the most alliance possible. 
Since compliance response depends by definition upon the 
prepotency of motor stimulus evoked, we should anticipate, 
according to Sherrington's result, that those motor stimuli 
producing greatest integrativc conflict, and those producing 
a maximum of motor alliance, would constitute the maximally 
effective stimuli to compliance. There seems little doubt 
but that environmental stimuli capable of producing severe 
physical pain are those causing greatest unpleasantness. 
Therefore, we may say, according to our own pre-suppositions, 
that painful environmental stimuli evoke motor stimuli 
causing a maximum of motor conflict. This motor conflict 
is precisely the factor which results in extreme passive com- 
pliance. That is to say, a pain stimulus ultimately producing 
a maximum amount of central conflict and inhibition, thereby 
is able to produce a maximum amount of blockage to integra- 
tions which it is desired to break up. But, as we have seen, 
this process, by very definition, is incapable of originating 
new integrations of the type which it is desired to dictate 
to the organism. If, then, the purpose is to originate and 
carry forward successfully such new integrations, a different 
sort of prepotent reflex must be resorted to. This second 
type of prepotent reflex is, according to Sherrington, the 
class of reflexes which are accompanied by a maximum 
amount of pleasantness, or motor alliance. 

1 C. S. Sherrington, Integrative Action of the Nervous System, p. 230., 


It should be possible, then, to evoke compliance response 
by means of any environmental stimulus which, though 
antagonistic to the motor self, is nevertheless capable of pro- 
ducing, infra se, an amount of pleasantness of motor alliance 
superior to that accompanying the tonic discharge at the 
moment of stimulation. In short, a motor stimulus, though 
antagonistic to the motor self, might nevertheless prove of 
greater strength than the motor self, provided the motor 
stimulus were of greater total volume, and provided this 
total volume, in its assemblage from various sensory connector 
sources, produced a greater total amount of motor alliances. 
If these conditions were fulfilled the motor stimulus need 
not be of greater intensity than the motor self at any time. 

Over-Intense Motor Self Must be Taught to Comply with Volume 
It might well prove true, however, that a motor self of too 
great intensity might fail to yield to, and comply with a motor 
stimulus depending for its victory upon greater harmonious 
volume of motor discharge. The very intense motor self 
might, however, be taught to comply with an antagonistic 
motor stimulus of greater harmonious volume. 

Such teaching might follow one of two methods. First, 
a motor self of great intensity might be initially defeated by 
a motor stimulus of great intensity and might, while in such 
a state of defeat, be stimulated with a motor stimulus of super- 
ior harmoncous volume only. In the second place, a motor self 
of great intensity might be taught, initially, to submit to an 
allied stimulus of greater volume, and transfer of the yielding 
element in this submissive response might then be made to an 
antagonistic motor^stimulus of greater volume. 


In summary, then, we are able to predict, on neurological 
grounds, that a stimulus of greater harmonious volume than 
the motor self may be able to evoke compliance response from 
a motor self of moderate or low intensity, even though the 
motor stimulus be antagonistic to and of less intensity than 
the motor self. We may further predict that a motor self 
of great intensity will not yield spontaneously to a motor 
stimulus whose superiority consists only of greater harmonious 
volume than the motor self possesses. Such a motor self 
of great intensity might, however, be taught to comply with 


a motor stimulus of this type in two ways, (i) By transferring 
defeat of the motor self brought about by an antagonistic motor 
stimulus of superior intensity, or (2) by transferring surrender 
brought about in the course of submissive response to an allied 
motor stimulus of greater volume. 

Environmental Stimuli Evoking Compliance With Volume 


In examining human behaviour for the purpose of verifying 
or refuting the foregoing suggestions, what types of environ- 
mental otimuli should be sought for as likely to evoke motor 
stimuli of greater volume than the motor self though antag- 
onistic to it ? In the instances of compliance enforced by 
bodily pain which we have already considered, we discovered 
a certain rough correspondence between intensity of environ- 
mental stimulus and intensity of motor stimulus correspond- 
ingly evoked. This correspondence of intensities between 
environmental and motor stimuli, though by no means 
infallibly present, is in a one to one ratio and furnishes the 
only rough basis upon which parents, prison officials, or 
college students could proceed in their attempts mechanically 
to control the bodies of their subjects. Following this analogy, 
then, we might seek, first, environmental stimuli of large volume 
as probably productive of motor stimuli of correspondingly 'targe 
volume. In a similar way, we might expect to find environ- 
mental stimuli which are objectively ordered in a definitely har- 
monious pattern producing correspondingly harmonious pattern 
of the connector-motor integrations which must contribute the 
element of harmony to a given group of motor stimuli. En- 
vironmental stimuli of large volume and harmonious inter- 
relationship in respect to the manner in which they stimulate 
the sense organs of the body, might be expected to evoke, 
correspondingly, motor stimuli of large volume and harmonious 
interrelationship of constituent elements. 

" Nature " is the Environmental Stimulus of Greatest Volume 
and Most Harmonious Pattern 

The greatest possible volume of environmental stimulation 
of moderate intensity which can be simultaneously adminis- 
tered to a given subject may probably be found in " nature ". 


That is, if a human being is placed all alone in an unbroken 
pine forest, for instance, or upon the top of a mountain from 
which no human habitation is visible, the element making 
the greatest impression upon the consciousness of the indi- 
vidual so situated is usually found to be the immensity of his 
surroundings. This appears to be especially true of persons 
who have spent a major portion of their lives in large cities. 
Country residents, and especially mountain guides, and 
frontiersmen, seem to have acquired, to a considerable extent, 
the habit of limiting their sensory attention to particular 
objects which it is necessary for them to manipulate in some 
way, in order to adjust themselves efficiently to the "outdoor 
environment. But even persons of this sort, I have found, 
when they return to their previous habitat after spending 
some time in the city are again impressed by the immensity 
and openness of the country landscape. This consciousness 
of immensity (which is evidently in itself a connector or 
ideational element) appears to have its origin in the tremendous 
volume of sensory stimulation of moderate intensity simul- 
taneously received by the subject's organism. 

There also appears to be a certain amount of naturally 
ordered regularity and harmoniousness of pattern in this 
type of sensory stimulation. Neither the tinkling, gurgling 
noises of the brook, nor the sighing, rustling sounds made 
in tfe trees by wind of moderate intensity are loud enough 
to drown eatfi other out or to prevent the twittering of birds 
from being perceived simultaneously. The sun's rays produce 
a mild temperature stimulus of warmth upon the face and body 
while the breeze brushing across the cheek gives a co-existant 
sensation of coolness and also various light touch or pressure 
sensations. If the landscape viewed by the subject contains 
woods or forests, the colour stimuli are balanced in such a way 
as to permit simultaneous perception of light yellow-green 
foliage, dark blue-green masses of shrubs or leaves chancing 
to be seen against a darker background together with browns, 
reds, grays, and purples visible in tree-trunk shadows, rocks, 
and other natural objects usually to be seen. The shapes of 
a thousand trees, perhaps all following roughly the same 
pattern, may stimulate the retinae simultaneously. The 
turning of leaves in the wind, and the tossing, and rise and 
fall, of tree branches, give kaleidoscopic change and variety 
to the stimuli of both colour and form without ever completely 


disarranging their basically symmetrical pattern. One might 
go on with such an analysis of stimuli almost endlessly without 
exhausting the possibilities of harmonious arrangement and 
tremendous simultaneous volume of sensory stimulation to 
be obtained from a country landscape. But the brief sugges- 
tions given above may suffice to indicate that nature constitutes 
a total stimulus situation satisfying both requirements of 
large volume and harmonious interrelation of constituent 
stimulating units. 

Country Environment Evokes Compliance from a Cat 

I once made the experiment of taking a cat to the seashore 
after it had been living in a city apartment for some time. 
Just prior to its residence in the city, this animal had spent 
three months in the same shore house to which I took it. 
When placed on the sand near the house, and some distance 
from the shore, the cat gave every appearance of being desper- 
ately frightened. It shrank close to the ground and looked 
around apprehensively for some moments. It then dashed 
toward the house and made its way immediately to the second 
floor, where it cowered under a bed in a far corner of the room. 
The cat was later brought down forcibly and was given milk and 
other food. It showed evidence of remembering the house, 
and also the premises outside. So long as the animal remained 
indoors it was only troubled, apparently, by the dull rhythmic 
pounding of the surf on the beach. But when It was again 
brought out and placed in the sand with large open spaces on 
every side, and the open water not more than two hundred 
yards distant, it behaved exactly as it had before. I repeated 
this procedure four or five times with identical results. The 
cat was clearly overwhelmed by the large volume of sensory 
stimulation administered to it simultaneoulsy. There was 
no single environmental stimulus or any combination of 
environmental stimuli nearly as intense as the sound of traffic 
in New York City to which the cat had been adapted during 
the preceding months. I concluded that it was not the 
11 strangeness " (what is strangeness ?) of the stimulus situation 
which affected the cat in the manner described, since the animal 
showed familiarity with the house and surroundings. It 
seemed to me possible that the cat was compelled to compliance 
response by the greatness of harmonious volume of environmental 
stimuli simultaneously received. 


Country Environment Evokes Compliance from Children 

Children who have been born in the city and have remained 
there continuously up to the age of seven or eight years, 
frequently manifest a similar type of response when taken 
to the country for the first time. Such children have been 
accustomed, it is true, to great volume of simultaneous 
stimulation, caused by city traffic and by enormous numbers 
of people in the city tenement districts. But all these city 
stimuli are not harmoniously arranged in such a way that they 
produce the type of stimulus under discussion. City sights 
and sounds are of extreme intensity, and probably to a certain 
extent the intensities of various sights and sounds* may be 
summed together to produce greater total intensity than any 
one alone. The child's sensory receptors, therefore, must 
become accustomed to this high intensity of stimulation and 
the child's motor self must clearly become adjusted to a con- 
stant level of rather great intensity, in order to meet the almost 
continuous stream of disconnected antagonistic motor stimuli 
evoked by the city stimulus situation. In short, the city child 
is one whose motor self has become adjusted to combat dis- 
connected stimuli of considerable intensity and comply with 
separate stimuli of extreme intensity. A country stimulus 
situation, by way of contrast, presents a total stimulus of low 
intensity but very great volume. Any one unit in this country 
stimulus can easily be combated and overcome by the child's 
dominance Reaction toward it. But the overcoming of one 
unit in the total stimulus has no appreciable effect in diminish- 
ing the volume of the total stimulation. This volume is over- 
whelmingly greater than the volume of the motor self adapted 
to meet disconnected, though intense, opposition. The 
reaction of the city child to the country stimulus situation is 
one frequently described as " awe ". The child seems tem- 
porarily overwhelmed and unable for the time to select appro- 
priate reactions to meet the situation. When responses are 
finally selected, perhaps after a period of hours or days, these 
responses seem to correspond, compliantly, with the environ- 
mental stimulus. That is, the child's activity decreases some- 
what in intensity but increases greatly in volume. All the 
numerous units composing the complex environmental stimulus 
produce individual units of behaviour many of which can 
occur simultaneously and all of which together constitute a 
very large volume of compliant response. The child, for in- 


stance, breathes more deeply and perhaps less quickly. His 
heart, after a time, begins to beat more strongly and probably 
with less rapidity. His vision becomes adjusted to focussing 
over long distances. All the child's physical movements, 
while less intense and sudden, perhaps, than were his jumps 
and short dashes to avoid traffic in the city, are, on the other 
hand, much more continuous and extensive. He covers three 
or four miles in the country to every mile traversed in the city. 
He climbs trees, wades in brooks, walks up hill and down, 
and perhaps wanders many miles over pasture and hillside 
looking for berries, etc., all of which activity could never be 
called forth by a single disconnected environmental stimulus 
no matter how intense such a stimulus might be. 

In summary we may say that when the city child is trans- 
ported into the country, the overwhelming volume of environ- 
mental stimulation of moderate intensity, tends to evoke a 
totality of behaviour preponderantly compliant in nature, and 
much greater in volume than that previously occurring. 

Dominance Is Evoked by Single Objects, Compliance by 
the Country as a Unit Stimulus 

Not all city children react in this manner when placed in 
the country stimulus situation. I once had occasion to 
observe a boy of about eleven years, who was spending a 
summer with his mother in the country for the first time. 
This lad possessed a motor self of apparently gre&t intensity. 
He was restless, tense, self-centred, and very dominant. He 
seemed never to perceive the country or rural surroundings 
as a single unit stimulus, but rather appeared to react separ- 
ately to each object with which he was confronted. This 
child's chief purpose in regard to each separate object seemed 
to be to get that object out of his way as quickly and as 
destructively as possible. For instance, he would not accom- 
pany the farmer's boy on his search for the cows in the pasture, 
but if he happened to find one or two of these animals drinking 
out of the trough in the farmyard he would take a big stick, 
or a handful of stones, and start the cows running at full 
speed. His mother tried upon one occasion to make him 
turn the handle of a churn with which the farmer's wife and 
daughter were accustomed to make butter. The boy, how- 
ever, managed to break the handle of this churn in some way, 
and thereafter paid no attention to it. Similar incidents 


multiplied to such an extent that the farmer asked the mother 
to leave. This she did, moving to an hotel at a near-by 
resort, where there were many other city children, with games 
and amusements much like the average summer resort. 
In these surroundings, the boy behaved acceptably, and no 
further difficulty was experienced according to the mother's 
report. It was evident that the child responded separately 
to the various units in the total " country " situation, finding 
each one of these units antagonistic to his motor self, and of 
inferior strength. This would seem, perhaps, to illustrate 
the situation suggested in our foregoing analysis, wherein 
mere superiority of volume of the total stimulus might fail 
to be felt as of superior strength by a motor self of high 

Child May Comply with Superior Volume but not with 
Superior Intensity of Stimulus 

In direct contrast to the last case cited, I have found at 
least one case of a child whose compliance could not be evoked 
by extreme intensity of environmental stimulus, but who 
yielded compliance very readily to environmental stimuli 
of superior volume, harmoniously arranged. This child, 
M, showed a marked liking for flowers and for the woods, 
and fields at the age of six to seven. In " telling fortunes " 
by enumerating the petals of a daisy, M was unwilling to 
pluck the .petals from the flower as the other children did. 
Instead, she would touch the petals with her finger, reciting 
the appropriate " fortune " rhyme with each petal as she did 
so. When asked why she did not pluck the petals out and 
throw them away, she replied that she " couldn't bear to 
hurt the flowers ". She also said that she hated to step 
on any sort of flower. Several years later, when entering 
early adolescence, this same child would gaze at sunsets 
until the last light had faded. At this time also, she would 
seat herself on a hill side and stay for hours apparently ab- 
sorbed in the shifting lights and colours of the rustic panorama 
spread below her. She said that she ielt herself " drinking it 
all in " and also that she felt that she " understood nature " 
and " seemed to be one with it ". 

On the other hand, when M's mother commanded her 
to do things that the child did not wish to do, M would 
defy the utmost parental penalty rather than comply with 


the command. When M. was six to seven years old, the 
mother, who was a strict disciplinarian, sometimes used up 
half a dozen beech switches in whipping the child without 
exacting obedience. M's father was still less successful 
in eliciting compliance. After numerous unsuccessful at- 
tempts, he seems to have given up the effort to discipline 
M altogether. M, at a later age (i.e., at about the beginning 
of adolescence), developed a very great fondness for her 
mother, and submitted to her commands thereafter quite 
readily. From this submissive behaviour, an additional 
increment of compliance developed. Nevertheless, the young 
girl still showed and continues to show a very high compliance 
threshold toward environmental stimuli of great' intensity. 
She has continued to show also, an extremely low compliance 
threshold toward harmoniously arranged environmental 
stimuli of large volume. 

Compliance with Volume is Pleasant, Compliance with 
Intensity is Unpleasant 

The contrast between what might be termed compliance 
with intensity and compliance with volume is a contrast, pri- 
marily, between unpleasant and pleasant compliance A 
compliance with stimuli of overwhelming intensity is not 
only unpleasant at the beginning, before the conflict has 
been resolved in favour of the stimulus, but it attains in- 
difference, at best, after the compliant adjustment has been 
accomplished. Compliance with superior volume, on the 
other hand, is certainly pleasant throughout a major portion 
of the entire experience. The initial period during which 
the stimulus is overwhelming the motor self, may contain a 
considerable tinge of unpleasantness : though to subjects 
like the girl M., even this initial period seems altogether 
pleasant. The degree of unpleasantness, if any, at the be- 
ginning of the response appears to depend upon the readiness 
with which the motor self yields to the environmental stimulus 
of superior volume. If the initial surrender is made virtually 
without even a momentary struggle, then the response con- 
tains no observable unpleasantness. If on the other hand, 
the subject is intensely active, a brief initial period of un- 
pleasantness may occur before an harmoniously arranged 
environmental stimulus of great volume can evoke complete 
compliance. In either case, however, once the motor self 


has diminished its intensity and volume sufficiently to 'permit 
the organism to comply freely with the stimulus, the com- 
pliance response is wholly pleasant. 

The pleasantness is a product of the alliance between the 
different motor stimuli units evoked by different constituent 
units of the environmental stimulus. The more units the 
environmental stimulus contains, therefore, harmoniously 
arranged as far as their stimulus function goes, the more 
harmonious motor stimuli will be evoked, and the greater 
total pleasantness the entire compliance response will contain. 

Human E kings Can Be Controlled by Offering a Stimulus 
of Superior Volume 

Compliance with volume is not only a primarily pleasant 
response, but also, when properly combined with dominance 
(a full description of which will be taken up in a latter chapter) 
constitutes the only method by which one human being can 
efficiently control another. That is to say, compliance with 
intensity, while most effective for the enforcement of passive 
compliance, is as we have seen, extremely inefficient in evoking 
active compliance. When compelled to comply with an 
overwhelmingly intense stimulus, a human or animal subject 
invariably minimizes the amount of active compliance given. 
Moreover, if the stimulus is too intense, causing bodily pain 
and injury, the subject no longer possesses capacity for 
maximally efficient active compliance. When compliance 
is evoked by a superior volume, however, as in the case of 
city children transported to the country, the response of 
active compliance corresponds in volume very closely with 
the volume of the environmental stimulus. Since compliance 
with volume is a fundamentally pleasant experience, there 
is no tendency on the part of the subject organism to minimize 
the quantity of active compliance rendered. Really efficient 
work in any line of commerce, industry, or intellectual or artistic 
endeavour can only be obtained from workers who have learned 
compliance with volume. Prison labour or other services 
exacted under threat of punishment (overwhelmingly 
intense environmental stimulus) can never be maximally 
efficient, unless the prisoners or other subordinates can be 
taught compliance with volume, after their motor selves 
have been initially conquered by environmental stimuli of 
superior intensity. If a prison or other disciplinary pro- 


gramme were arranged with this in view (which, in my ex- 
perience, it seldom is) incalculable benefit could be done to 
the subjects by thus training them to a pleasant compliance 
with volume as a substitute for unpleasant compliance with 

Compliance with Volume is a Learned Response 

Whether compliance with volume can ever properly be 
termed an unlearned reaction is extremely doubtful. We 
have already noted that compliance with intensity is a re- 
sponse which the child must learn, apparently by either 
painful or submissive experiences. Watson has shown 
that babies grasp lighted candles, and other potentially 
injurious objects, quite as readily as they grasp a rattle 
or stick. We will have occasion to note in a following chapter 
that the hunger-pang mechanism, which seems to be inherent, 
is capable of administering over-intense stimulation which 
ultimately evokes compliance response. But hunger-pangs 
are a stimulus mechanism and not an integrative mechanism. 
Therefore, we may still regard compliance with intensity 
as a learned emotional response. Similarly, compliance 
with volume is probably a learned emotional response 

It is true that, as in the case of M, we may find an inhererjt, 
integrative balance, making possible a very low threshold 
for compliance with volume. But even in the r.ase of M, 
a close analysis of the child's history showed that M.'s mother 
had trained the child very efficiently, along lines calculated 
to teach the child the pleasantness to be experienced in 
complying with flowers, trees, and other objects of nature. 
M, at the age of five, had believed that fairies lived in flowers 
and that, therefore, to destroy a flower was to deprive the 
fairy of her home. Other similar evidences of the mother's 
teaching made it apparent that the compliance threshold 
had been considerably lowered, at least, by a line of teaching 
ingeniously adapted to what amounted to an individual 
peculiarity in the child's inherent integrative balance. Thus, 
M's marked response of compliance with volume, though no 
doubt made possible by neural mechanisms especially sus- 
ceptible to this response, was none the less learned as far 
as the compliance itself was concerned. One of my students, 
experimenting with a baby three weeks old, was unable to 


evoke the slightest compliance behaviour as a reaction to 
flowers presented to the child in various ways, including 
olfactory and visual stimulation. Preyer 1 maintained that 
a child is able to distinguish disagreeable smells from agreeable 
ones a few days after birth. Preyer based this conclusion 
upon the expression of the child's face. The examples cited 
by Preyer have to do with the smell of milk and the mother's 
breast. It is possible that the hunger-pang mechanism, 
to be considered shortly, which teaches compliance with 
volume following compliance with intensity, has begun to 
make evident its effect within a few days after birth. But 
this would not detract from the character of res all ing com- 
pliance emotion as a learned reaction. It seems safe to 
conclude that compliance with volume, like compliance with 
intensity, as an emotional response wherein the integrative 
patterns of emotional consciousness must be learned. (This 
may be contrasted to dominance emotion, wherein both 
integrative mechanism and integrative pattern are apparently 
present at birth, since the motor self may very probably 
have been reinforcing itself to overcome stimuli of less in- 
tensity during spontaneous movement of the embryo for 
some time before birth.) 

Aesthetic Emotion is Compliance with Volume 

The em)tion of compliance with volume finds its greatest 
pleasantness and subtlest expression in the so-called 
" aesthetic attitude ". Certain adult subjects, who are 
probably endowed with an inherently low threshold for this 
response, and who have developed it extensively to the 
exclusion of dominant pursuits, regard aesthetic attitude 
as the highest development of human emotion. The aesthete 
is a person who enjoys to the full the experience of permitting 
his motor self to be overwhelmed by the harmonious volume 
of motor stimuli, evoked by an environmental stimulus of 
moderate or low intensity but of large volume. The greatness 
of the volume of the stimulus, however, need be only relative 
to the compliance threshold of the aesthetically developed 
individual. We have every reason to believe that a beautiful 
flower, for instance, would not succeed in evoking compliance 
from the most aesthetically inclined infant ever born. But 

1 W. Preyer, Mental Development in the Child, pp. 3 ff . 


we may be equally sure that the average adult has developed 
compliance with volume response to the point where the 
balance of his motor self may be overturned by the har- 
moniously arranged stimulus units of a single rose or violet. 

Aesthetes Possess Delicate Balance of the Motor Self 

Aesthetes, as a rule, possess motor selves which are to be 
described as delicately balanced, rather than as weak or of 
low intensity. The aesthete's attitude seems to be a matter 
of elaborate training of the motor self, to respond selectively 
to motor stimuli whose constituent units possess a high degree 
of alliance or harmony, inter se. In the process of learning 
this aesthetic attitude, environmental stimuli are first selected 
which possess large volume as well as harmonious arrange- 
ment. The girl M, for instance, had the beginnings of an 
unusually well developed aesthetic attitude. A landscape 
or rural scene, containing flowers and trees, evoked such 
complete compliance from M that even a " temper fit " (over- 
intense dominance emotion) could be overwhelmed and super- 
ceded by a few moments spent in viewing such a scene of rural 
beauty. As his aesthetic development is continued, the 
subject learns to respond in the same way to any environmental 
stimulus, the stimulating elements of which are harmoniously 
arranged in relation to the subject's organism ; regardless 
of how great or how small a total volume of mo f or stimuli 
may be evoked. That is to say, aesthetic training consists, 
for the most part, in learning to obtain the pleasantness of 
compliance with volume emotion from any environmental 
stimulus whose units are harmoniously arranged, no matter 
how little the total volume of stimulation may be. This 
development is sometimes carried to an extreme where non- 
aesthetic persons regard the aesthetic pleasure gained as 
exceedingly anaemic. In fact, any person of balanced 
emotional development continues to feel the need of consider- 
able volume of aesthetic stimulus in order to yield com- 
pliantly to it. If such an emotionally balanced individual 
is induced by training or example to comply with (take an 
aesthetic interest in) an harmonious environmental stimulus 
of inconsiderable volume, the resultant emotional tone is apt 
to carry very little pleasantness, and is apt to be characterized 
as " formal " or " artificial ". 


Motor Discharge to the Viscera Gives the Greatest Unit Motor 
Pattern for Aesthetic Compliance Response 

Aesthetic attitude is a form of compliance with volume 
which excludes all dominance, because the aesthetic or har- 
monious environmental stimulus is always reacted to as a 
unit. Breaking up this unit response into particular reactions 
of the skeletal muscles to different parts of the unit stimulus, 
would mean that a certain amount of the harmonious volume 
must necessarily be sacrificed in the interest of a smaller, 
though more energetic group of reactions. Such a reduction 
of the total possible harmony or alliance of motor stimuli 
would be wholly opposed to the aesthetic principle 'of seeking 
always the maximum volume of compliance emotion in 
response to the aesthetic stimulus. If, then, the purpose is 
deliberately to keep the harmonious response volume at its 
maximum, the only method of doing this is to condition the 
organism in such a way that only visceral reactions will be 
evoked by aesthetic environmental stimuli. Visceral reactions, 
because of the nerve-net principle of the autonomic 
ganglia, offer much greater possibilities for a large, simul- 
taneous, unit pattern of motor discharge. Therefore it 
becomes part oif the aesthetic attitude to learn to respond 
viscerally, and not with the skeletal muscles, to environmental 
stijnuli selected with reference to their aesthetic value, that is, 
with reference to the large volume of harmoniously inter- 
related nJbtor stimuli which the environmental stimulus is 
able to evoke. 

Many aesthetes who also possess very well developed 
dominance, and who can be induced to make introspective 
reports in language more explicit than gasps and fragmentary 
phrases which are frequently considered to be necessary parts 
of the aesthetic expression, report that along with the more 
vague and general " aesthetic one-ness with the object ", 
they are also aware of subliminal " feelings of movement " in 
various skeletal muscles, " as though dancing " or " gliding 
through the air ". It is interesting to note in these reported 
subliminal or " imaginary " movements which take place 
during the typical aesthetic experience, that there is almost 
always a notable absence of the dominant phase of each move- 
ment described. 

For instance, one young man whom I had occasion to study, 
and who appeared to possess an unusually complete aesthetic 


development, frequently felt himself swinging on a high 
trapeze. He had the feeling, he said, of making graceful 
curves and loops, as his body swung passively over the bar 
of the trapeze, and sometimes passed from one trapeze to the 
next. I had half a dozen clinical conferences with this young 
aesthete, cross-examined him closely in regard to the muscular 
sensations accompanying his trapeze imaginings, and analysed 
the neural components of the movements he said be felt. 
The notable feature in all these trapeze movements seemed to 
be the absence of all voluntary or dominant effort. For example, 
there was no feeling whatever ol clinging to the trapeze bar 
with his hands, which would be practically the only portion 
of the swing requiring any muscular support or tension. In 
all the movements reported gravity did the work, not the subject. 
He felt his body passively moved by a force larger in volume than 
his own but not as intense. He also felt all the movements 
enforced upon his body to be graceful harmonious movements 
devoid of purpose to himself yet perfectly co-ordinated one with 
the other. This case seems to typify aesthetic compliance 
with volume emotion, in an instance where the motor stimuli 
are permitted some outlet to the skeletal muscles as well as 
unlimited outlet to the viscera. 

Work Contains Both Dominance and Compliance ; Aesthetic 
Attitude in Pure Compliance 

In the instance cited above wherein the citu children 
transported to the country were first overwhelmed by the 
superior volume of the country stimulus, and thereafter 
reacted to the various component parts of the country stimulus 
one unit at a time, dominance was injected into the total 
response each time that a specific reaction was undertaken. 
If, for example, a child complied with the brook by beginning 
to move toward it, the initial movement might be a purely 
compliant one, antagonistic to the customary position of the 
foot as maintained by the motor self. But the moment the 
body was swung out of balance by this compliant movement, 
the motor self must compensate by dominating the motor 
stimuli once more in bringing the body back into a proper state 
of equilibrium. Thus every specific group of compliant 
responses must be compensated by a correspondingly strong, 
antagonistic group of dominance responses. The child's 
wanderings over hill and dale, therefore, would consist, 


roughly, of a mixture of half compliance and half dominance. 
In the same way all useful work which has its origin, as we 
have seen, in compliance with volume response, must contain, 
nevertheless, an admixture of fifty per cent, or more domin- 
ance. Some types of very strenuous work, though they may 
be initiated as compliance with volume responses, necessarily 
require a much larger proportion of dominance than of com- 
pliance before the task can be successfully completed. The 
contrast, therefore, between such behaviour and aesthetic 
response is a contrast between a mixture containing the two 
ingredients of compliance and dominance, and a pure primary 
emotional consciousness, containing only the ingredient of 
compliance. The actual quantitative amount of compliance 
in the activity of work or exploration may exceed by far the 
total quantity of compliance in an aesthetic response. But 
the latter, in so far as it is aesthetic, contains only compliance 
emotion and nothing else. When Buddha held up the lotus 
flower before his pupils, he did not wish them to diagram it, 
or otherwise express dominance over it. He was delighted 
when a disciple utterly complied with the flower, i.e. aesthetically 
appreciated it. 


We may summarize compliance response, then, as follows. 
Intimate physical forces comply with antagonistic forces 
stronger tl^an themselves by decreasing their own strength 
in the particular wherein it is opposed. This may be termed 
passive compliance. If the stronger force, by injecting fresh 
energy into the reagent, compels the latter to move actively 
in a new direction, or to change its form or physical expression 
this may be termed active compliance. In either case, the 
measure of the decrease in the original force or form of activity 
will be the difference between the initial strength of the 
reagent and the superior strength of its successful opponent. 

The work of the physiologists in attempting to evoke 
emotional responses from decerebrate animals seems to lead 
to the conclusion that compliance response does not occur 
unless there remains some motor area of the central nervous 
system integratively predominant over that portion of the 
motor self which is compelled to comply by a motor stimulus 
of superior intensity. There is some evidence from cases of 
thalamic lesion in human adults, and from studies made upon 


infant^ born without cerebral hemispheres, that thalamic 
motor centres free from cortical inhibition may produce an 
exaggerated type of compliance. 

Compliance response in human beings seems to be entirely 
of a learned variety. While the integrative mechanism of 
compliance is, of course, inherent, the individual compliance 
pattern appears to be formed only as a result of experience 
wherein the infant's motor self is overwhelmed by a motor 
stimulus of superior intensity. The compliance which 
follows consists of : 

(1) Decrease of the motor self sufficiently to permit the 
motor stimulus to obtain complete control of the disputed 
motor centres, and 

(2) Unhampered discharge by the triumphant motor 
stimulus through the conquered motor centres. By means 
of the synaptic principle of after discharge, the compliant 
movement may be continued for some time after the cessation 
of the environmental stimulus which evoked compliance, 
just as, by the principle of momentum, a physical force or 
object may continue to move compliantly after its opponent 
of superior strength has ceased to exert its force upon it. 

The normal compliance threshold in infants seems to be 
reached at the point where an environmental stimulus is 
sufficiently intense to evoke physical pain (burning of hand by 
candle), or where the environmental stimulus is of sufficient 
intensity, combined with suddenness of presentation, to over- 
whelm tonic motor discharge by evoking motor stimuli of 
paralysing intensity, though without previous occurrence of 
physical pain (sudden loud noise near infant's head, throwing 
body wholly off balance at mercy of unopposed gravity). 
Compliance emotion thus can be transferred to, or conditioned 
upon inadequate environmental stimuli of comparatively 
slight intensity, which serve to give warning of the approach 
of any destructively intense stimulus. In laboratory experi- 
ments upon normal adults, it has been shown that compliance 
response in every way similar to that of the infant, can be 
evoked by the same environmental stimuli of overwhelming 
intensity, without physical pain. 

The compliance threshold may be raised above the usual 
level in various ways. 

(i) A child can be protected from environmental stimuli 
of overwhelming intensity until his dominance response has 


developed out of all proportion to compliance (cases of Edgar 
and youthful criminals). 

(2) Constant dominant stimulation may occur due to bodily 
abnormality, or other cause, rendering the motor self over 
intense, and practically undefeatable by antagonistic motor 
stimuli, no matter how great their intensity (cases of endocrine 
imbalance, precocious sex development in young convicts). 

(3) High connector threshold between environmental 
stimulus and motor stimulus due to integrative cause inherent 
or unknown. 

Two factors of environmental stimulation are effective in 
producing response over and above sheer intensity of the 
environmental stimulus. 

(1) Suddenness of presentation of the stimulus may evoke 
motor stimulus which overwhelms the motor self before it 
has opportunity to reinforce itself. 

(2) Long duration of over intense environmental stimulus 
or repetition of same at sufficiently brief intervals, may 
maintain motor stimuli of great intensity in a state of antagon- 
ism to the motor self for a period longer than that during which 
the motor self is able to keep itself reinforced to the un- 
naturally high intensity level necessary to overwhelm these 
motor stimuli (case of incorrigible prisoner whipped on 
successive days). 

Sherrington has shown that reflexes of high affective tone 
tend to be r\repotent. Environmental stimuli of overwhelming 
intensity such as those just considered, evoke reflexes of 
maximum unpleasantness, causing a maximum of conflict 
between motor stimulus and motor self. An environmental 
unit stimulus composed of a large volume of stimuli of moderate 
intensity harmoniously arranged with respect to their sensory 
effect upon the subject, may evoke motor stimuli harmoniously 
interrelated and sufficiently great in volume to surpass the 
volume of the motor self. Such a total motor stimulus should 
contain within itself a high degree of pleasantness, while at 
the same time possessing the ability to overwhelm the motor 
self and evoke compliance response. This type of compliance 
emotion may be termed compliance with volume, as contrasted 
with compliance with intensity evoked by over intense stimuli. 

Compliance with volume is a pleasant response after the 
initial yielding of the motor self to the motor stimulus has been 
evoked. Since there is no prolongation of the central antagon- 



ism or conflict throughout the persistence of compliance with 
volume response, this type of integration constitutes the only 
mechanism by which the subject may be made to comply 
actively with an environmental stimulus. Compliance with 
volume is the only primary emotional response whereby any 
consistently large volume of efficient work can be performed. 
Compliance with volume may readily be evoked from some 
other types of subjects, especially those whose motor selves 
have been trained to yield only to environmental stimuli of 
superior intensity. Such subjects may be retrained, however, 
by conditioning or transfer of response to compliance with 
volume. This training can be done 

(1) By initially overwhelming the motor self with an over- 
intense stimulus (prisoners injuriously punished). 

(2) By evoking submission emotion toward a loved one 
(allied stimulus of superior volume, and subsequently trans- 
ferring surrender of dominance to respond to antagonistic 
stimulus of superior volume). 

While compliance with volume which takes the form of 
activity of the skeletal muscles must involve an equal or 
greater volume of compensatory dominance response, in order 
to restore balance to the body after each compliant movement, 
it is possible to respond viscerally with complete compliance 
to an harmonious environmental stimulus of superior volume 
without any admixture of dominance. Such a response of 
compliance with volume without any admixture of> dominance 
is customarily termed " aesthetic response " or " aesthetic 
attitude ". Development of the aesthetic attitude by self 
training or conditioning leads to a response of pure compliance 
with any environmental stimulus, all the constituent elements 
of which are harmoniously interrelated, even though the total 
volume of motor stimuli evoked is less in volume than the 
motor self. 

Compliance May Be Unpleasant, Indifferent, and Pleasant 

When compliance response is completely learned, so that 
the integrative decrease in the motor self to make room for 
the superior stimulus opponent is accomplished without 
struggle, compliance emotion may be freed wholly from 
unpleasantness. Compliance then becomes either pre- 
dominantly indifferent in feeling tone, or positively pleasant, 
depending upon the volume of the motor stimulus which is 


being complied with, and upon the degree of alliance between 
the constituent elements in the total motor stimulus. 

Compliance with intensity may contain an admixture of 
" fear " throughout, and this " fear " element is probably 
the most thoroughly unpleasant of all emotional states. But 
' fear," as we shall note at length in a subsequent chapter, 
results not from successful compliance with a stimulus, but 
rather from integrative failure to comply completely. Com- 
pliance with a stimulus of superior intensity contains, at best, 
little pleasantness, because over-intensity of any neural 
excitement, as we have several times noted, tends to interfere 
with alliance relationship between the different groups of 
impulses composing the total excitation. Unpleasantness can 
be wholly removed, however, and a rather complete indifference 
established (as in the case of affective adaptation to hydrogen 
sulphide, mentioned in Chapter IV, above). 

The reason that voluntary compliance may always avoid 
unpleasantness seems to be that the motor self is physically 
under control of the organism (that is, under control of higher 
centres of the central nervous system), so that the motor self 
can be retired at any time from conflict with a motor stimulus. 
The moment one integrative opponent is completely eliminated 
from the battle, no matter which antagonist it may be, un- 
pleasantness ceases, and indifference reigns. In the emotion 
oi dominance, on the other hand, the purpose is to eliminate 
the motor .stimulus, and to keep the motor self's energy dis- 
charge intact. The motor stimulus, in so far as it can be 
mechanistically forced upon the organism by an environmental 
stimulus, is not under control of the subject. Therefore, 
during dominance emotion, some degree of unpleasantness 
inevitably persists until after complete success of the domin- 
ance reaction in physically removing its environmental 
opponent. When that has been done, the typical dominance 
quality of emotional consciousness ceases, unless the un- 
pleasantness removed is voluntarily remembered in order to 
experience the dominant emotional " thrill ", known as 
" triumph ". Compliance emotion, on the other hand, 
measures its success not by removal of the opponent, but by 
the completeness of readjustment of the motor self to that 
opponent. When complete retirement of the motor self from 
conflict has been accomplished, indifference of feeling tone always 
announces that accomplishment. 


This initial indifference may persist throughout compliance 
response, or it may give way to positive pleasantness, de- 
pending upon the nature of the motor stimulus complied 
with. The subject organism is powerless to produce this 
element of positive pleasantness. It is always able, however, 
if the motor self be under sufficiently complete control, to 
maintain indifference of feeling tone, by keeping the tonic 
motor discharge from all conflict with the motor stimulus, 
no matter how antagonistic or intense the latter may be. 
The difficulty with establishing and maintaining such indifference 
seems to consist solely of a difficulty in establishing control 
over the Ionic innervations of so-called "involuntary" type. 
Could these innervations be suspended at will, no stimulation 
need ever be felt as unpleasant provided the subject elected 
to comply with it completely. 

There appear to be fairly well authenticated cases of 
Oriental " adepts " who can endure, with seeming indifference, 
the thrusting of needles and knives through their flesh, and 
other stimuli of even more severe nature. Systolic blood 
pressure and pulse rate are both found to decrease considerably 
during such stimulation, though the subject may continue 
to converse equably, with no evidence of central inhibi- 
tions or conflicts. Lowering of cardiac energy indicates 
decrease of tonic discharge, integrated reciprocally with t}ie 
antagonistic motor discharge ultimately flowing from 'the 
environmental stimuli (knife thrusts, etc,). Perkaps many 
of the seeming miracles of this particular variety, performed 
by " occultists " may be attributed, after all, not to hypnotism 
of the audience, but to hard work in learning compliance 

My own experiments in self-training along this line have 
given positive results, though upon a few occasions only, 
when other bodily and environmental conditions were most 
favourable. One must be willing to accept the pain as one's 
sole occupation during whatever time it may continue, just 
as any work dictated by environmental stimulation ma;y be 
accepted as all absorbing. Any slightest attempt to engage 
in any motor activity preventing full discharge of the motor 
impulses set up by the painful stimulus brings back un- 
pleasantness to its full initial extent. For instance, announce- 
ment of a visitor, followed by turning my attention to the 
subject-matter to be discussed with him, made an ulcerated 


tooth pain unbearably unpleasant, though previously I had 
reduced it to indifference by complete compliance with it. 
After more extended compliance training, such secondary 
activities might also be adjusted in such a way as not to 
interfere with the motor discharge from the pain stimulus ; 
but I have only been working on this type of compliance 
learning intermittently for ten years. " Adepts " devote 
their entire lives to it. 

Another condition of motor set that I have found necessary 
to remove unpleasantness from pain experience is acceptance 
of whatever weakness of the motor self may be imposed by 
the necessity of making room, as it were, for the entire volume 
of antagonistic pain-excitement motor discharge. En- 
vironmental pain stimuli are, by definition, over-intense. 
As long as over-intensity of psychonic energy persists in the 
motor centres, there necessarily will be some conflict of 
impulses and some corresponding unpleasantness. To remove 
this over-intensity, a sufficient number of efferent paths 
must be opened, free of all obstruction, to drain off the centrally 
dammed up excitement, thus keeping its intensity level 
within the normal conduction capacity of the motor psychons 
involved. In order to do this, if the pain is extreme, a reduc- 
tion must be made in the tonic outflow which results in marked 
symptoms of faintness, collapse, and general physical weak- 
ne^s. This condition also might be minimized, after long 
compliance learning, by more selective reduction of the motor 
self ; but, in any case, the subject must accept, without 
reserve, whatever weakness may result from complete com- 
pliance, since reservations bring back unpleasantness. 

Positive pleasantness of compliance response seems only 
to occur when the compliance is a reaction to a motor stimulus 
of superior volume and moderate intensity, and when the 
constituent elements of such a motor stimulus are intrinsically 
harmonious. Compliant pleasantness, then, depends ulti- 
mately, upon the nature of the environmental stimulus. 
Compliance with volume response becomes indifferent, as 
we have already noted, when artificially conditioned upon 
an environmental stimulus of inadequate, or inferior volume. 
The pleasantness of compliance, in short, may be gained 
only by seeking an adequate environmental stimulus never 
by learning to respond compliantly to whatever stimulus 
happens to present itself. The heroine of " Main Street " 


was represented quite accurately, as a woman whose emotional 
nature insatiably craved this sort of stimulus (aesthetic 
stimuli), and who could find no substitute among the dis- 
harmonious surroundings of Main Street. In the same way, 
we frequently find that a one-sidedly developed aesthete's 
life consists of little else than a never-ending search for new 
objects possessing the power of harmonious stimulation 
evoking compliance with volume, or aesthetic emotion. 

Distinctive Conscious Characteristics of Compliance Emotion 

The quality of emotional consciousness peculiar to com- 
pliance i&- somewhat more difficult to discover adequate 
terminology for than is the corresponding quality of domi- 
nance emotion Compliance has been identified frequently 
with fear, on the one hand, and with religious and aesthetic 
attitude on the other. Some of the more common literary, 
pseudo-psychological, and psychological terms for emotional 
states consisting chiefly of compliance emotion when com- 
pliance is with superior intensity, are : " fear ", " being 
afraid to do " some dominant act, " being afraid of " some 
stronger force, person or object, " timidity ", " caution ", 
" weak will ", " conforming ", " trimming one's sails to fit 
the gale ", " swimming with the stream ", " open minded- 
ness ", " candour ", " getting down to brass tacks ", " being 
a realist ", " fall in with " a stronger force or person, 
" adapting ", " yielding to ", " resignation ", " resigning one's 
self to fate ", " doing God's will ", " fear of God ", " being 
well disciplined ", " bearing one's burdens ", " bearing one's 
cross ", " taking what is coming to you without whining ", 
" humility ", " respect " for the strength of the antagonist, 
" awe ", and " tolerance ". 

Terms especially relating to pleasant compliance with 
volume are : " Oneness with nature ", " joys of nature ", 
" looking to the hills from whence cometh my strength ", 
" tuning to the infinite ", <f mystical experience ", " nirvana ", 
" Buddha", "oneness with God", "harmony", "peace", 
" receptivity ", " feeling of beauty ", " aesthetic feeling ", 
" fineness of feeling ", " empathy ", " aesthetic attitude ", 
" susceptibility to beauty ", " rapture ", and " aesthetic 
appreciation ". 

It is easy to observe a marked difference in affective tone 
between terms popularly expressive of compliance with 


intensity, and literary or religious terms employed -in the 
description of aesthetic or religious compliance with volume, 
the former indicating associated unpleasantness of varying 
degrees, and the latter implying pleasant associations, for 
the most part. ' Fear ", or at best, suffering stoically 
endured, seem to be thought of as inevitable accompaniments 
of compliance with intensity in a great majority of occidental 
writings. There seems to exist, in short, little or no under- 
standing of compliance with intensity as a voluntarily accepted 
emotional response. Compliance with volume, on the other 
hand, is evidently regarded in literary circles as one of the 
highest possible forms of emotional development. But there 
appears, in most of the terms mentioned above, ~a curious 
personification, or anthropomorphic idealization of the in- 
animate stimuli capable of evoking this response. Does 
this mean, perhaps, that compliance with volume, also, 
is not clearly accepted as an emotional primary by itself, 
but always tends to be thought of in mixture with submission 
to a being possessing glorified human love qualities ? 

Nearly all the popular emotional terms included in both 
groups above, however, seem to contain as a common de- 
nominator of emotional meaning, compliance consisting of 
decrease of the motor self to let an opponent move the organism 
as it will ; either passively, by making the self give up some 
dominant activity, or actively, by compelling the organism to 
move in sgme anti-dominant way. 

Introspection upon compliance emotion, elicited with 
difficulty because persons possessing most compliance de- 
velopment tend to be most incoherent and least explicit, 
generally suggest the essence of compliance consciousness 
to be a feeling of acceptance of an object or force as inevitably 
just what it is, followed by self-yielding sufficient to bring about 
harmonious readjustment of self to object. This feeling, un- 
pleasant if the stimulus is too intense to be completely adjusted 
to, indifferent if the stimulus is of small volume or is composed 
of inharmonious elements, and pleasant if the stimulus is of 
moderate intensity, large volume, and is composed of units 
cumulatively harmonious, constitutes compliance emotion. 


We have considered in the last chapter the integrative 
mechanisms which are responsible for the emotional responses 
of dominance and compliance, and we have analysed a few 
simple illustrations of actual human behaviour exemplifying 
the occurrence of these emotions in as isolated a form as 
possible. We have still to consider the normal inter-relation- 
ship between dominance and compliance when the two 
emotional responses occur successively. We have also to 
consider, thereafter, the normal integrative combinations of 
dominance and compliance when these two emotional re- 
sponses occur simultaneously. 

Passive Dominance Prevents Compliance From Being 

The response of passive dominance may be evoked by 
an adequate dominance stimulus without previous interven- 
tion of any compliance response. If, for example VJ an infant 
is holding tightly to its rattle, and if the mother tries to pull 
the toy from the child, exerting less force upon the rattle 
than the infant is able to exert in holding it, the child's motor 
self may simply reinforce itself so promptly and efficiently 
that the infant's actual grip upon the rattle is never loosened. 
This result may be carried to the point where the infant 
actually suspends his own weight from a rod or stick, which 
he was grasping firmly at the time the experimenter started 
to pull it away. Such a response represents almost pure 
passive dominance because the motor self was in control 
of the disputed efferent channels of motor discharge before 
the motor stimulus began its contest for these paths, and 
throughout the response the motor self similarly continued 
to resist all encroachments upon its occupied territory. In 
short, passive dominance consists of simple resistance to the 
attack of an antagonistic motor stimulus upon the motor 



self. No compliance whatever enters into this type of 
emotional response, and the general motor set of the organism 
is not changed in any way by reaction to the environmental 
stimulus except that more effort, or energy, has been released 
to preserve the pre-existing set. 

Dominance Represents the Natural Equilibrium of the 

If compliance response actually succeeds, even momentarily, 
in supplanting the dominant control exercised by the motor 
self over the final motor paths of the organism, then two 
integrative possibilities appear. First, the compliance 
emotion may continue undisturbed until the environmental 
stimulus has ceased to evoke a motor stimulus of superior 
intensity or volume. In this case, which might consist, 
for example, of an aesthetic response, the emotion experienced 
is one of compliance without the admixture of dominance. 
This corresponds, it would seem, to the situation just con- 
sidered where pure dominance emotion of passive type 
remained uninterrupted. Ihere is one important difference. 
The compliance emotion which persists without any ad- 
mixture of dominance is an active compliance response whereas 
the uninterrupted dominance just considered was of passive 
type only. In short, compliance can continue to rule the 
subject organism only for so long as it keeps the organism 
actively moving in an anti-dominant way. The moment 
the organism ceases to comply actively witli a given stimulus, 
the natural reflex equilibrium automatically re-establishes 
itself, and dominance emotion inevitably supplants compliance. 

For example, a beautiful picture may control the attention 
and main avenues of involuntary motor discharge to the 
viscera so long as the harmonious volume of motor stimulus 
evoked by the art object is sufficiently superior to the volume 
of the motor self. But if the studio light begins to wane, 
or if the individual sense organs become fatigued in gazing 
at the picture, the environmental stimulus at once ceases to 
evoke a motor stimulus of superior volume. The immediate 
result of this change in the motor stimulus is to bring about 
a cessation of active compliance motor discharge of an anti- 
tonic sort. This, of course, frees the tonic impulses from 
their previous restraint and the motor self automatically 
re-establishes its control of the efferent centres. This process 


of re-establishing control constitutes a response of active 
dominance. It will be felt by the subject himself in most 
instances of the type cited as a feeling of active criticism 
of, or boredom with, the picture (this of course assumes that 
no other stimulus intrudes to claim the subject's attention). 
Another type of reassertion of dominance after aesthetic 
compliance with an art object might consist of a sudden 
determination to possess the admired object, followed im- 
mediately by behaviour appropriately directed toward its 
purchase or acquisition. 

Active^ Compliance may Oppose More and More of the 
Motor Self Until it Evokes Dominance 

If, then, compliance is permitted to continue without 
interruption to the point where the stimulus ceases to be 
effective, it must necessarily be followed immediately by 
dominance emotion accompanying the mere automatic return 
of the organism's natural integrative balance. A second 
type of termination of compliance appears in the case last 
mentioned, where continued aesthetic compliance with a 
beautiful picture was superseded by dominant attempt to 
possess the picture itself. It seems clear that the compliance 
response did not merely run itself out but rather brought 
about the dominance emotion which superseded it. The 
mechanism for this type of integrative causation would sem 
to be a sort of passing of the quantitative limit beypnd which 
the motor self cannot comply with the motor stimulus because 
a large enough proportion of the motor self has become 
involved in the reaction to make it superior in strength to 
opposed motor stimuli. That is to say, if the motor stimulus 
opposes only a comparatively small portion of the motor self 
the stimulus may be more powerful than the self ; but, when 
the same stimulus opposes more and more of the self a point is 
sooner or later reached where the increment of motor self involved 
in the conflict has become more powerful than the motor stimulus. 
At that point the stimulus becomes an adequate dominance 
stimulus instead of an adequate compliance stimulus, and 
the subject's response similarly transforms itself from com- 
pliance into dominance. 

In the instance where the subject first feels aesthetic com- 
pliance emotion toward a picture, and later, as the response 
progresses, suddenly assumes a dominant attitude toward 


the picture in trying to acquire it for himself, it seems reason- 
able to assume that the original compliance with volume 
response was able to control the organism for only so long 
a time as a comparatively small portion of the motor self 
was engaged in compliance. When the reaction to the 
picture had spread sufficiently in the higher motor centres 
of the central nervous system and a larger portion of the 
motor self consequently became involved, this total increment 
of the motor self was no longer of suitable size for compliance 
response, but rather proved sufficient for dominance over 
the picture. 

In instances like this, where the intensity of the* environ- 
mental stimulus, and consequently the intensity of the motor 
stimulus is comparatively slight, there would be an ever 
present likelihood throughout the response that the strength 
of the stimulus might be felt at any moment as inferior to 
the strength of the motor self. The aesthetic attitude, 
in other words, is an extremely unstable one and difficult 
to maintain over any considerable length of time of response. 
That is, there seems to come a point in any compliance re- 
sponse where the environmental stimulus ceases to be felt 
as an adequate compliance stimulus, and in the type of 
instance now under examination, its effect upon the organism 
in ^ evoking compliance response appears to endow it sub- 
sequently with positive potency as an adequate dominance 
stimulus. !n persons of extreme aesthetic training, it is true, 
this change from aesthetic reaction to dominance response 
might be long deferred or might, in fact, never occur. But 
with the ordinary individual there seems to be a certain 
piling up, or summation of the motor self during an extended 
compliance response, which, when the point of overflow is 
reached, transforms the compliance emotion into dominance 
of equal or greater strength. 

The Shift from Compliance to Dominance When the Whole 
Motor Self is Opposed is " Instinct of Self-Preservation " 

The fact that rats will fight when cornered has become 
proverbial. I would suggest that this response is probably 
expressive of the same mechanism as that underlying the 
change from aesthetic to dominance response just con- 
sidered. The rat complies with the antagonist of superior 
strength by running away from his opponent. This con- 


tinues' for as long a period as the proportion of the rat's motor 
self which is overwhelmed by his superior enemy is a com- 
paratively small one. When, however, every avenue of 
escape is cut off, the animal's entire motor self is brought to 
bay, as it were. The full intensity of this animal's motor 
self when increased by its reinforcement mechanism to 
maximum strength, and when the entire motor self is involved 
in the conflict, evidently proves stronger than the sum total 
of motor stimuli which can be evoked by the most dangerous 
foe. This is the so-called " instinct of self-preservation ". 
It is a type of behaviour shown frequently by the most timid 
of human beings when suddenly confronted by an extreme 
danger from which there is no possible escape by flight. 
In fact the " instinct of self- preservation " might be defined 
as a change from compliance response to dominance response 
at the point where a sufficient proportion of the motor self becomes 
involved in conflict with the stimulus to render motor self more 
Powerful than motor stimulus. The state of emotional con- 
sciousness involved in this shift is frequently termed 
" desperation ". 

Dominance Always Replaces Compliance 

If, then, active compliance is followed in any event by a 
dominant re-establishment of control of the organism by 
the motor self, it might be permissible to formulate the -rule 
in some such way as follows : Active compliance is normally 
followed by active dominance. 

The same rule evidently holds also with respect to passive 
compliance. That is, if the motor self is compelled by a 
stimulus of greater intensity to give up control of certain 
disputed paths, the tonic discharge will automatically re- 
assume control of these paths as soon as the prohibitory 
barrier has been removed, even though the contest has been 
a mutual stand-off, as it were, and the motor stimulus has 
not succeeded in itself moving the organism actively. There 
seems, however, this qualification to be made concerning 
the reversion to dominance following compliance of passive 
aspect only. If the subject's motor self happened, in the 
first place, to be in a condition of marked reinforcement, or 
increased intensity for the purpose of dominating object A, 
and if the motor self were compelled passively to comply 
with stimulus B by giving up its dominance over object A 


then should stimulus B cease to operate, the motor self 
would not necessarily return to its previous condition of 
increased intensity, but only to its normal strength when no 
antagonistic motor stimulus was operating upon it. Nor 
would the motor self necessarily return to the process of 
dominating object A, which might by that time have passed 
entirely out of the subject's environment. Passive com- 
pliance, therefore, might be followed by a state of dominance 
more passive than active, though there must always be some 
active dominance m the process of re-establishing reflex 
equilibrium after the compliance stimulus has ceased to 
operate. It seems, in short, to follow from the very nature 
of dominance response as an enforcement of the integrative 
system's normal equilibrium that dominance must always 
eventually supersede active or passive compliance. 

Compliance Protects the Organism Against Superior Foes 

Such an arrangement obviously makes for maximal 
efficiency in adapting the organism successfully to its en- 
vironment. If an animal or human being is already well 
enough adapted to his surroundings to be able to maintain 
his existing posture and position despite the utmost antagon- 
istic influence which can be brought to bear against him at 
any* given moment, the mechanism of passive dominance 
provides ? means for counteracting minor fluctuations of 
posture and position which could serve no useful purpose, 
and which would result only in disturbing the progress of 
the organism's vital functions. On the other hand, if any 
antagonistic factor in the subject's immediate physical en- 
vironment be sufficiently powerful to destroy or seriously 
injure the subject's organism, the compliance mechanism 
permits the stronger antagonist to expend its force in moving 
the subject rather than in destroying part of the motor self which 
must serve throughout life as the dynamic source and main-stay 
of the subject's entire behaviour. 

Were it not for this possibility of integrative compliance, 
an antagonistic motor stimulus of superior intensity, operat- 
ing through a centre of the central nervous system above 
the tonic centre, might eventually succeed in inhibiting 
the entire mass of tonic discharge in toto, with extremely 
serious consequences to the organism. 


Compliance Responses Have Selective Value in Evoking 
Maximally Efficient Dominance Responses 

The tendency of the dominant balance of the organism 
always to re-establish itself following compliance response 
gives to the intervening compliance reaction another im- 
portant value. The separate compliance emotions enforced 
by an antagonistic environmental stimulus act as selective 
agents arousing to special activity the specific tonic reflexes 
recriprocally opposed to the intervening compliance reflexes. 
That is to say, in the response of passive dominance there 
appears a general blanket type of reinforcement of the motor 
self, not specifically directed against the environmental 
stimulus which is being responded to. But, if the environ- 
mental stimulus in question is permitted first to effect a 
compliance response, then selective reinforcement of those 
portions of the motor self best adapted to oppose and remove 
the antagonistic stimulus can be made, with resultant con- 
servation of energy and increasing efficiency of the dominance 
response. Examples of this selective value of initial com- 
pliance with a stimulus which is later to be dominated are 
to be found in all the rudimentary behaviour patterns of 
the human organism in which tonic and phasic reflexes 
alternate to bring about progressive movement of the body 
or limbs. 

The fingers of the hand, for instance, if extended in com- 
pliance with the object to be grasped, automatically bring 
about the reinforcement of the particular tonic grasping 
reflexes best adapted to seize and handle that particular 
environmental object. The more completely extension of 
the hand is permitted to comply with the size, shape, and 
position of the object to be grasped, the more efficiently 
will that object subsequently be mastered or dominated. 
The difference in this respect between infant and adult be- 
haviour is well marked. When an infant naively extends 
his fingers to grasp a proffered object of very small size, 
he opens his hand wide, extending all the fingers equally 
regardless of the shape and small size of the thing to be 
grasped. In other instances infants may fail to extend the 
fingers sufficiently to surround the object to be grasped. 
In either case, the extending of the hand would seem to be 
more in nature of general, unselective reaction to the obiect. 


than a compliance response closely controlled by the object 

We have noted several times previously that compliance 
is a learned response, and so when we compare the behaviour 
of infant subjects with the reactions of adults we should 
expect to find compliance response much more highly de- 
veloped in the latter as, in fact, it is, in nearly all types of 
reaction. The interesting point for the purpose of our present 
discussion is that such increase in delicacy and completeness 
of compliant response to any given object automatically 
produces corresponding increase in the strength and effective- 
ness of the dominance response which follows. Any number 
of examples of this increase of dominant efficiency following 
increased learning of compliance might be cited. All the 
finer and more powerful movements of attack upon an 
opponent, whether in mortal combat, or in some ultra-civilized 
sport like tennis or baseball, depend for their accuracy and 
power upon the completeness of the preceding compliance 

In savage combat, the spear must be directed toward a 
vital spot in the antagonist's body by a careful and accurate 
compliance response, evoked by the antagonist's body itself. 
The power of the dominant driving home of the attacker's 
weapon bears a fixed and constant relationship of dependence 
upon the extent and intensity of the preceding compliance 
response o,f withdrawing the arm and hand holding the spear 
in an initial direction away from the individual to be attacked. 
In tennis a never-ending series of very subtle compliance 
reactions must be performed in order to bring the body, 
arm, and racquet into postures which themselves determine 
maximally effective dominance reactions to follow. All 
preparedness, in short, consists of compliance reactions, 
whose principal function is to serve as selective agents within 
the integrative centres of the subject's organism, to pick 
out the dominance reactions most effectively antagonistic 
to the compliance responses themselves. The normal re- 
lationship, then, between compliance and dominance emotion 
is a relationship in which compliance is used for the success 
of the dominance responses. We may say that active 
dominance is effective in reaching its antagonist directly in 
proportion as it is immediately preceded by compliance with 
the opponent. 


Compliance Must Not Be Carried Beyond Its Usefulness 
to Dominance 

It is necessary to qualify this statement in two particulars. 
First, compliance response may be carried to such an extreme 
that it postpones the ultimate dominant reaction too long 
for maximum efficiency, or lowers the strength of the motor 
self to such a degree that it is unable to cope with the an- 
tagonist. Secondly, the organism may comply with an 
antagonist which it has not the strength to dominate, even 
when the motor self is at its maximum intensity. An illus- 
tration of the first qualification to the usefulness of compliance 
as a servant of dominance may be found in over-careful 
adjustment of bodily position, in baseball or tennis, before 
the actual swing of the bat or tennis racquet toward the ball 
is begun. The timing of the stroke has been delayed too 
long for success, by an over extensive preparatory compliance 
response. In wrestling or boxing, it frequently happens 
that one contestant withdraws an arm or leg too far, so that 
the tonic muscles, which otherwise would have brought the 
limb back with maximum force, are no longer able to exert 
maximally efficient leverage upon the limb in question. Or, 
in terms of nerve impulses, the same result may occur when 
an aesthete permits such volume of compliant motor discharge 
to control his organism that he subsequently finds himself 
lacking in strength to arrange his art collection in a manner 
most effective for his own aesthetic enjoyment. .. 

Illustrating the second qualification placed upon the value 
of compliance to dominance, we may cite the very common 
instance of an individual who allows himself, while swimming, 
to be carried too far from the shore by the current. Such a 
person has complied with a force stronger than his own 
physical power at its best. He finds himself, therefore, 
shut off from shore by a barrier of water which it is beyond 
his physical strength to conquer or dominate. In both 
types of instances cited, compliance, though undertaken 
in the service of dominance, was carried to such an extreme 
that the compliance response had the effect of rendering 
subsequent dominance less effective, or altogether impossible. 

Compliance Normally Precedes and Is Adapted to Dominance 
It seems clear from the foregoing analysis, that if dominance 


is to maintain maximal efficiency, it must be preceded by 
compliance response. But the compliance must not be 
carried too far or continued for too long a period. In short, 
the simplest normal combination between dominance and com- 
pliance responses beneficial to the organism consists of initial 
compliance response adapted to dominance emotion to follow. 
This relationship between these two primary emotional 
responses may conveniently be expressed by the simple 
formula C -f D. When this formula is used, it should be under- 
stood that the order of the letters represents the temporal 
order in which the emotinal responses occur, and the plus 
sign represents the relationship of adaptation of the, response 
indicated by the first letter to the response symbolized by the 
following initial. Thus, in the formula C + D, C,, compliance 
is adapted to D, dominance, as well as occurring prior to the 
beginning of D, the dominance response. 


IN the preceding discussion we have attempted to discover 
the normal relationship between dominance and compliance 
when th/ise responses occur successively. We have now to 
discover the normal relationship between compliance and 
dominance when these emotions occur simultaneously. In 
the first place, there are certain logically conceivable simul- 
taneous combinations of dominance and compliance which 
may be eliminated by brief consideration of the behaviour 
elements involved. Active compliance and active dominance, 
for example, may occur simultaneously as an emotional 
mixture but not as an emotional compound. When active 
dominance and active compliance, evoked by the same stimu- 
lus, take place simultaneously, they tend to cancel each other 
out, or at least, mutually to modify one another in such a way 
that the integrative description of the resultant emotional 
state would consist of a relationship between the motor self 
and the motor stimulus which would be half way Between the 
nodal points, C and D as indicated on the emotion circle 
diagram (see Chapter IV). 

Dominance and Compliance Responses Toward the Same Object 
Blend or Inhibit One Another 

For instance, a person when confronted by a dangerous 
animal several yards distant, would undoubtedly feel the 
environmental stimulus to be an antagonistic one and would 
assume in response, an attitude of antagonism. This element 
of antagonism, would, however, be common to both dominant 
and compliant types of response. If it was perfectly clear to 
the subject that the animal was a fox, or other prey distinctly 
weaker than himself, his response would tend to be a dominant 
advance upon the animal with the purpose of attacking it, 
that is, a dominance of the chase. On the other hand, if the 
subject were equally sure that the animal was a mountain cat 



or tiger, distinctly stronger than himself, this response would, 
no doubt, be the compliant one of moving away from the animal 
cautiously, and as rapidly as possible. In the instance 
supposed, the animal is at such a distance from the subject 
that he cannot be sure whether the environmental stimulus 
is weaker or stronger than himself. In such a case, or in an 
instance where the animal is actually recognized, and is known 
to be stronger than the subject in some particular, and weaker 
in others, both active dominance and active compliance may 
tend to be evoked simultaneously. If these reaction tenden- 
cies are equal and perfectly simultaneous, they will counter- 
balance one another and the subject will go on about his 
previous business without either attacking or running away 
from the animal. 

Dominance and Compliance May Exist Simultaneously in 
Different Centres 

If different parts of the same environmental stimulus evoke 
different primary emotional responses, these two may well 
occur simultaneously in comparatively unrelated motor 
centres, without forming integrative relationships one with 
the other. This may be called an emotional mixture rather 
than an emotional compound. Dominance and compliance 
might thus occur in an emotional mixture. For example, 
while fleeing on horse-back from a pursuing enemy, a man 
might tur.i in his saddle and shoot at the pursuer. His 
compliance flight need not be broken, or altered in any way 
by this simultaneous attack upon his enemy. Yet, the 
emotional consciousness evoked does not constitute any new, 
compound, emotional quality, or characteristic. Dominance 
and compliance may alternate in the fugitive's consciousness ; 
they may modify one another to the point of eliminating one 
or both for a brief interval; or they may co-exist in con- 
sciousness simultaneously as responses to different portions 
of the same stimulus. The pursuer's superior physical strength 
may evoke compliance response, while his lack of firearms and 
conspicuous position against the sky line might evoke domin- 
ance in the form of a rifle shot. Simultaneous feeling of being 
overpowered by an opponent in one particular, while attacking 
the antagonist with intent to dominate him in some other 
respect, are not at all unusual or difficult to account for. 
But, they do not constitute a truly compound emotional 


quality or integrative picture, because the two primary 
emotional elements are integratively unrelated. 

Active Dominance and Compliance Toward Different Objects 
Cannot Co-exist In Same Centres 

One more set of logical possibilities of simultaneous com- 
bination of dominance and compliance responses may also be 
eliminated by examination of the integrations involved. 
Such an examination leads to the discovery that active 
dominance and active compliance with different objects 
cannot occur simultaneously in the same, or closely related 
motor centres. If we suppose that the tonic motor discharge 
innervates extensor muscle A 1 , then any dominance reaction, 
no matter what object it may be directed toward, must utilize 
the final common cfierent path to contract the muscle A 1 , 
while any compliant response involving the same motor 
mechanism must use the final common path to contract the 
reciprocally opposed flexor muscle B 1 . If, then, the organism 
attempts simultaneously to dominate environmental stimulus 
A by contracting the extensor A 1 , and to comply with the 
environmental stimulus B by permitting it to contract the 
flexor muscle B 1 , there will result a conflict in the entrant 
motor psychons, which must be resolved definitely in favour 
of one or the other opponent before either the dominant, or 
the compliant response can occur. In cases where final com- 
mon paths or closely related motor centres arC, involved, 
therefore, it would seem impossible to form an integrative 
compound from active dominance and active compliance 
reactions no matter how diverse the environmental stimuli 
evoking these responses may be. 

Similarly, it will be found impossible, integratively, to 
combine passive compliance and passive dominance even 
though these responses be directed toward different environ- 
mental stimuli. If, for example, environmental stimulus A 
evokes a reaction of passive dominance with respect to the 
muscle A 1 , it simply means that the tonic innervation of muscle 
A 1 is increased sufficiently to resist any attempt of stimuli 
evoked by object A to utilize the final common path to contract 
muscle B 1 . If, then, object B tends to evoke a reaction of 
passive compliance in this same motor centre, it will be seen 
that the stimulus B tends to prevent any dominant reinforce- 
ment of the tonic contraction of muscle A 1 . We should, then, 


have the same conflict in the common motor centres in the 
case of a passive dominance response and a passive compliance 
response, evoked simultaneously in this common centre, by 
different environmental stimuli, that we had in the case of 
active dominance and compliance response simultaneously 
evoked by different objects. The passive dominance response 
to object A would be attempting to prevent the passive com- 
pliance evoked by object B from utilizing the common efferent 
path, and the passive compliance response would similarly 
be acting to inhibit reinforcement of the path to muscle A 1 
called for by the compliance response before mentioned. It 
would not seem possible, therefore, for passive compliance to 
co-exist in the same or closely related motor centres with pas- 
sive dominance response, even though opposing reactions 
were evoked by different objects. 

Illustrations in human behaviour of the incompatability 
between simultaneous dominance and compliance responses 
are not far to seek. If a metal container full of some attractive 
food or drink is set to heat upon the stove, then the food, when 
heated, will tend to evoke dominance response consisting of 
grasping the pan, and moving it toward the lips. The stove's 
heat, however, and the heat from the metal pan itself will 
bring about the compliance response of withdrawing the hand 
from the pan. In this case active compliance triumphs over 
act/ve dominance, when both are simultaneously aroused. 
In the ca^e where a baby has grasped one of its playthings 
and the mother raps the child's hand with a ruler, to compel 
it to release its grip upon the toy, we have a contrast between 
passive dominance and passive compliance. The mother's 
antagonistic pull upon the toy in trying to remove it from 
the child's hand evokes simple resistence or passive dominance 
on the part of the infant. The rap on its knuckles, however, 
tends to make the child comply passively by giving up its 
grip upon the toy. In many instances of this sort which I 
have observed the passive dominance response is successful 
in the contest with its passive compliant antagonist. The 
child retains its grip upon the toy. 

Possible Combinations 

What possibilities remain for simultaneous combinations 
of dominance and compliance responses ? Two further possi- 
bilities of such combination may be considered. First, we 


may examine the possible compounding of passive compliance 
with one object and active dominance toward another object. 
Secondly, we may consider the compounding of active com- 
pliance with one object while simultaneously reacting with 
passive dominance toward another object. 

A dive Dominance and Passive Compliance May Form an 
Emotional Compound 

Any situation in which we are confronted by an antagonistic 
force stronger than ourselves, and to escape from which we are 
obliged to seek the aid of another opposite force of our environ- 
ment, weaker than ourselves, is based upon the mingling or 
compounding of passive compliance and active dominance 
for just so long as we are seeking and obtaining the weaker 
environmental object. Let us cite a concrete example. A 
man is walking through the forest toward some important 
objective, such as a settlement where he plans to obtain 
supplies. He comes out upon the bank of a swift stream, and 
finds himself confronted with a barrier which it is beyond his 
own unaided strength to pass. The strength of the current 
and the jagged rocks over which the stream is rushing make it 
absolutely impossible for him to swim the river and come out 
alive upon the other bank. Here is an antagonist stronger 
than the subject, yet one that docs not compel the subject 
to perform any positive action, but only to give up a typ'e 'of 
dominance behaviour in which he was previously engaged. The 
subject must, for the time being, comply passively with the 
impassable river by giving up his journey toward the settle- 

But the man sees a tree on the bank of the stream winch, 
if felled, would stretch from bank to bank. The tree in ques- 
tion is growing out at a precarious angle from the river bank 
over the stream, its roots clinging insecurely to the shallow soil. 
The tree in this unstable position seems to represent an antag- 
onist stronger than the river but weaker than the man. If, then, 
the subject can dominate this weaker antagonist by pushing 
it down, across the river, he will immediately be in a position 
to cross the hitherto unconquerable barner. In pushing 
or dominating the tree, the subject, of course, must continue 
to comply passively with the nver by refraining from all 
actions incompatible with the force exerted by the stream 
upon his organism, throughout his dominance response 


directed against the tree. In short, this subject complies 
passively with a stronger antagonist, the river, simultaneously 
with his attempted dominance over the weaker antagonist, 
the tree. 

Integratively, there is no difficulty in the simultaneous 
occurrence of passive compliance response to one stimulus 
and active dominance response to another within the same 
or closely allied motor centres, provided only that the motor 
stimulus to be dominated is not one of those which the passive 
compliance response requires the motor self to give up domin- 
ating. There might be, conceivably, a large number of motor 
stimuli which might be dominated by the motor self without 
running counter to the superior motor stimulus simultaneously 
influencing the same motor centres. Or, as in the case 
mentioned, there might exist but a single motor stimulus 
(evoked by the one available environmental stimulus, the over- 
hanging tree) which the superior motor stimulus enforcing 
passive compliance permitted the motor self to dominate. 
The psychonic picture might be thought of as an inhibitory 
control of the crucial group of psychons by the compliance 
stimulus excitation of great intensity which, however, was not 
capable of exercising its inhibitory influence upon one or more 
selected types of motor stimuli. These motor stimuli, there- 
fore, might be conceived of as energizing the motor psychons 
simultaneously with the compliance stimulus. Undoubtedly 
the actuai/y existing integrative picture is a far more compli- 
cated one, involving different levels of the central nervous 
system and a multitude of cross connective nerve paths and 
psychons. But with this complex picture reduced to dia- 
grammatic form it might be represented in some such way as 

pCaD is Desire 

A compound emotional quality of consciousness comes into 
existence as a result of the integrative compounding of pabsive 
compliance and active dominance. This compound emotion 
is popularly termed " desire ". " Desire " (the integrative 
formula for which may be written pCaD) contains two types 
of conscious elements so intricately intermingled and inter- 
dependent that it becomes exceedingly difficult to analyse 
them with introspective clearness. 

From the self observations of many subjects, I have found 


that two types of consciousness are nearly always recognized 
in the emotional state of " desire ". First, there seems to be a 
feeling of restless seeking, dissatisfaction with the existing 
state of dominance activity, and a feeling of necessity to satisfy 
some arbitrarily prescribed inner requirement. This somewhat 
laboriously expressed aspect of desire seems to comprise the 
passive compliance element altered somewhat, and carrying 
new emotional qualities as a result of its integrative com- 
pounding with active dominance. Secondly, self-observations 
indicate the existence of a somewhat more definite and active 
aspect of desire consciousness. Introspective reports upon 
this element may be boiled down to " wanting to dominate " 
a particular environmental stimulus. This active determina- 
tion to possess or to change a given object in some way seems 
attributable to the active dominance emotion modified and 
given new qualities by its integrative compounding with 

Desire, as a unit emotional response, may be characterized, 
because of its prevailing active dominance, as the active aspect 
of the entire emotional consciousness connected with the using 
of an environmental object of inferior strength to overcome an 
environmental antagonist superior in strength to the subject. 
That is to say, of the two possible combinations between 
dominance and compliance, the combination of passive 
compliance with active dominance produces a compound 
emotion in which the motor self is more active tfcin in the 
compounding of active compliance and passive dominance. 

Passive Dominance and Active Compliance May Form an 
Emotional Compound 

Let us continue, then, to analyse the compounds of domin- 
ance and compliance contained in the incident discussed 
above. As soon as the man who had been stopped, on his 
journey, by a river too swift to cross, has succeeded in pushing 
the over-hanging tree across the river, a complete shift of 
emotional responses occurs. The strength of the tree trunk 
lying across the river from bank to bank may now be added 
to the strength of the subject in his struggle with the swift- 
flowing stream. In order to increase his own strength, how- 
ever, the subject must comply with the fallen tree. The tree 
trunk, instead of representing an antagonist of inferior in- 
tensity, now represents an environmental stimulus of superior 


volume to the subject's motor self, because its strength is 
measured by its ability to overcome the river which the subject 
himself did not previously possess. In short, the superiority 
of volume of the fallen tree over the motor self of the subject 
has been transferred, like most superiorities of volume, from 
the superior intensity of the antagonistic river. The entire 
volume of fallen tree stimulus is superior to and, therefore, 
takes the place of the superior intensity of the river. This 
effect is exactly the same as that previously considered in the 
cases of children or prisoners whose motor selves might be 
initially over-powered with the whip, and might thereafter 
learn to regard as of superior volume the environmental 
stimulus of useful work to be performed. Compliance with 
this work, once it is learned, would be a pleasant compliance 
with volume, and not an unpleasant, or at best indifferent 
compliance with intensity. So in the situation of the traveller 
who has pushed a tree across the hitherto impassable river 
compliance with the volume of the fallen tree represents a 
learned or transferred response, acquired in the course of this 
single emotional experience. 

Integratively, we may think of the motor stimuli aroused 
by the river and thereafter taking the position of intcgrative 
control as the motor centres formerly occupied by the merely 
inhibitory excitations constituting the original passive com- 
pliance. The motor stimuli representing the fallen tree or 
bridge we uld then find the way clear to free, efferent discharge ; 
and the behaviour result of such discharge would be active 
compliance with the tree in place of the previous passive 
compliance with the river. This active compliance would, 
at the same time, remove the over-intense motor stimuli 
evoked by the river and permit the motor self to go on domin- 
ating its original avenues of discharge (that is, the interrupted 
journey for supplies). In short, active compliance with the tree 
reduces the strength of the opposing river to that of an antag- 
onistic inferior to the motor self in intensity. The motor self 
then immediatel)' is enabled to resist the influence of the motor 
stimuli evoked by the river, which constitutes the emotional 
response of passive dominance. 

The traveller then complies actively with this tree-bridge, 
by walking across it to the opposite bank of the river. 
Throughout this activity he is passively dominating the river 
by resisting its antagonistic influences upon the conduct of 


the journey on which he had been initially engaged. Here, 
then, we find a simultaneous combination of active compliance 
and passive dominance. Neither of these responses need 
interfere with the other, even though both occur through the 
mediation of the same or allied motor centres. The active 
compliance, though superseding active dominance directed 
toward the accomplishment of the journey, is nevertheless 
of such a nature that it performs the passive part of the motor 
self's task by successfully resisting the river's intensity. The 
motor stimuli evoking active compliance may be thought of, 
schematically, as permitting the motor self to resist certain 
selected antagonists just as the motor stimuli to passive 
compliance, in the last instance, permitted the motor self 
actively to dominate certain selected stimuli. Reducing 
this type of integration to diagrammatic simplicity, we might 
think of the motor stimuli evoked by the tree-bridge as con- 
trolling the psychon for the same purposes of conduction into 
their own paths of discharge ; while, at the same time, this 
controlling excitation did not exert any antagonistic influence 
upon the increase of the motor self impulses necessary to check 
antangonistic excitations which had previously inhibited 
them together. 

aCpD is Satisfaction 

^ r* 

The integrative compounding of active compliance and passive 
dominance gives rise to distinctive emotional consciousness 
customarily called " satisfaction ". Just as in the case of desire, 
introspective analysis of satisfaction is usually difficult because 
the two compounded primary emotions each give and receive 
new qualities in the process of integrative compounding. 
Consensus of self observations, however, indicates, as before, 
a certain possible separation of two aspects of satisfaction, the 
first attributable to active compliance and the second resulting 
from passive dominance. The first aspect of satisfaction is 
variously reported as " quiet pervasive pleasantness ", 
" acquisitiveness ", " enjoyment of gifts ", " acceptance of 
assistance ", and " aesthetic pleasantness ". Perhaps the 
phrase most expressive of this aspect of satisfaction according 
to my own observations is " pleasant active acquisitiveness ". 
This phase of satisfaction emotion seems attributable to active 
compliance modified and given special qualities by its integra- 
tive compounding with passive dominance. 


The remaining aspect of satisfaction is a more easily dis- 
tinguishable one to most subjects. It has been regarded 
as " relief ", " triumphant self expansion ", " pleasant self- 
enlargement ", " owning the world ", " being on top of the 
world ", and " elation ". These introspective characteriza- 
tions seem to refer especially to the aspect of satisfaction 
attributable to passive dominance, which consists, it must 
be remembered, of the motor self enlarged and made able 
to resist successfully its previous victorious antagonist. 
" Triumphant self enlargement " seems to me to characterize 
this aspect of satisfaction acceptably. 

The compound emotion, satisfaction (the integrative 
formula for which can be expressed by aCpD) is distinctly 
a passive type of response with respect to the motor self 
as contrasted to desire, in which the motor self is the active 

Desire and Satisfaction Compose Appetite 

In proportion as satisfaction is attained, it replaces and 
supersedes desire. Desire is related to satisfaction, integra- 
tively, in a way not hitherto considered. We noted, in the 
last chapter, that compliance normally precedes dominance 
(when in successive combination with it), is adapted to domi- 
nance and finally is superseded by dominance. This same 
relationship appears to exist between the active dominance 
of desire, expressed toward the object needed (a tree-bridge, 
in the illustration used), and the active compliance of satis- 
faction, expressed toward this same object. An identical 
relationship, moreover, seems to appear between the passive 
compliance of desire expressed toward the river-barrier, and 
the passive dominance of satisfaction expressed toward this 
same stimulus, now no longer an obstacle to progress. 

There is a sort of kaleidoscopic shifting of emotional pattern, 
from desire to satisfaction, wherein the controlling element, 
dominance, becomes passive instead of active, and the sub- 
sidiary response, compliance, changes from a passive to an 
active type of emotion. The active compliance, also, is 
compliance with volume (object of desire) which is very 
pleasant, as contrasted to the replaced passive compliance 
with the intensity of a superior antagonist, which is distinctly 
unpleasant throughout a major portion of its duration. This 
change gives a gradual elimination of sharp, decisive unpleasant- 


ness, 'and a gradual gaining of deep pervasive pleasantness. 
The change from active to passive dominance gives a gradual 
elimination of restless, active, craving, and a gradual gaining 
of restful passive, self -sufficiency. 

Still another series of changes may be noted in the succession 
of satisfaction to desire. Desire is an emotion wherein there 
is felt a continuous demand upon the external environment, 
and a forced harmony with the demands and requirements 
of the organism's own, inner purpose (completing the inter- 
rupted journey). Satisfaction gradually reverses this situa- 
tion, until, when it has wholly supplanted desire, there is felt a 
grateful harmony with the external environment (helpful tree 
bridge), and a stabilized successful dominance over the subject's 
own inner purpose (completing journey). 

The blending of desire in satisfaction, as thus analysed 
begins at the very moment when the possibility of conquering 
the river with the tree is first perceived ; and the blending 
continues until the river is actually crossed, and the traveller 
looks back at it safely, from the other side. Only at the 
very first of the whole proceeding, when the subject is balked 
by the river and has not yet realized the possibilities of the 
leaning tree, is desire alone experienced. Only after crossing 
the river and looking back at it is satisfaction alone felt. 
During all the time in between, desire is being gradually 
adapted to satisfaction and supplanted by it. This complex 
inter-relationship of the two compound emotions, Desire and 
satisfaction, may aptly be termed the emotion of appetite. 
Appetite emotion, because of the blending and ordered tran- 
sition of its compound elements, attains a certain new, 
characteristic emotional quality of consciousness, not dis- 
coverable in either of its elements when experienced separately. 
A formula conveniently symbolizing appetite emotion may 
be devised, using the formula for desire pCaD, and the 
formula for satisfaction aCpD, with a plus sign ( -h ) between 
signifying that desire precedes and is adapted to satisfaction. 
Appetite would then be represented by the complex formula 
pCaD+aCpD. Since the active element of appetite, is desire, 
it might be written aA ; and since satisfaction is the passive 
appetitive emotion unit, it might be written pA. Appetite 
would not, then, be symbolized by the formula aApA but 
by the formula aA+pA. 

The term " appetite " receives dictionary definition as 


follows : " A physical craving, as for food a mental craving 
longing ". This definition suggests at least two limitations, 
which must be eliminated in the use of " appetite " as an 
emotional term in the way proposed. First, appetite as 
defined and customarily used, refers principally to a series 
of bodily hunger mechanisms. While the emotional com- 
pounds evoked during the satisfaction of bodily hunger conform 
precisely to the emotion of appetite as above analysed and defined, 
it is by no means possible or desirable to limit the use of the 
emotional term appetite to physical ingestion of food. 
Appetite, as we shall hereafter use it, is to be taken as the 
name of an emotion made up of the compound emotion 
desire and satisfaction whether these emotions be aioused 
by physical hunger stimulation, or by other stimuli of vastly 
different type such, for instance, as the river and tree in the 
instance analysed, or desire for money and property, and the 
acquisition of such objects. 

The second difficulty suggested by the dictionary definition 
of appetite is to be found in its disproportionate stressing of 
the desire aspect of appetite, rather than its satisfaction 
aspect. This difficulty, however, is not serious, and needs no 
corrective comment beyond the statement that appetite 
as a unit emotion is not to be taken as terminating at the 
beginning of satisfaction, but must rather be considered as 
persisting until satisfaction is finally completed. As already 
noted, desire may predominate throughout the early stages 
of appetitive behaviour, and satisfaction may predominate 
throughout the later period. But both must be present in 
proper inter-relationship to give the characteristic emotional 
quality recognized as appetite emotion. Neither desire 
alone, nor satisfaction alone constitutes appetite emotion. 

What literary usage has been made of the term appetite 
as designating a definite emotional state has been based, 
for the most part, upon introspective recognition of the 
typical emotional experience connected with physical hunger 
and its satisfaction. This use of the term appetite is quite 
in accord with its meaning as defined above, provided only 
that physical hunger be considered as only one among many 
conditions giving rise to appetite emotion. 

In summary, then, we may define dominance and compliance 


as primary emotions, expressed conveniently by the letters 
D and C. Each of these primary emotions possesses an 
active and passive aspect. Active aspects may be expressed 
by the small letter a, and passive aspects, by the small letter 
p, immediately preceeding the emotion symbol to which 
the a or p is intended to attach. Thus " aD " indicates 
active dominance, and " pC " passive compliance. 

pCaD indicates a simultaneous combination of passive 
compliance and active dominance. The emotion thus in- 
tegratively compounded may be called " desire ". aCpD 
represents an emotion integratively compounded in the same 
way, which may be called " satisfaction ". 

When the symbol for one emotion is placed immediately 
before that for another emotion, with a plus sign between, 
the relationship between the two thus indicated is a successive 
occurrence, or combination of the emotions, in the order 
in which the letters occur, and the plus sign placed between 
signifies that the first emotion is adapted to its immediate 
successor. Thus, C + D indicates compliance followed by 
dominance, with the compliance adapted to the dominance. 
Such a successive combination and relationship between 
desire and satisfaction may be indicated by the formula 
pCaD 4- aCpD. According to this formula desire precedes 
and is adapted to satisfaction. 

This successive combination of compound emotions may be 
termed appetite, " A ". Desire constitutes the active aspect 
of appetite and satisfaction its passive aspect. Thus the 
formula pCaD might be written instead aA, and the formula 
aCpD might be written pA. Activity and passivity, when 
used as descriptive of the emotion A, refer to the relative 
activity and passivity of the motor self in the particular 
aspect of the total emotional response indicated. 

There seems to be little doubt but that the emotion of 
appetite is an acquired, or learned response in the same 
sense that compliance emotion must be learned. I have 
emphasized elsewhere, the fact that all the mechanisms of 
physical appetite were inherent in the organism, 1 including 
the adequate, intra-organic stimuli causing hunger pangs. 
This inherency of stimulating mechanism is quite a different 

1 W. M. Marston, " A Theory of Emotions and Affection Based Upon 
Systolic Blood Pressure Studies," American Journal of Psychology, 
1924, vol. XXXV, pp. 469-506, 


matter from the conceivable inheritance of neural patterns, 
upon which many physiologists have based their theories 
of emotion. It is against the inherent existence of any such 
predetermined neural pattern, in the case of any emotion 
save dominance, that I wish particularly to inveigh. The 
pattern of dominance, depending as it does upon the tonic 
discharge pattern, must be truly inherited ; or at least, the 
neural structures upon which it is based must be energized 
by environmental stimuli prior to the birth of the child. 
With regard to the other emotional patterns, it would be my 
own suggestion that the structures of the integrative mechan- 
isms alone are inherited, while the actual integrative patterns 
constituting the emotions themselves are actually formed 
after birth, by the reactions of the organism to environmental 

Hunger as Teacher of Appetite Emotion and Behaviour 

The role of the bodily hunger mechanisms by which human 
beings and animals are compelled to seek and eat food at 
regular intervals throughout life, is to be thought of as that 
of a teacher of appetite emotion. Even though the organism 
comes ready equipped with integrative mechanisms capable 
of producing dominance emotion, compliance emotion and 
the two simultaneous compounds of dominance and cornpli- 
aiico already designated as active and passive appetite, the 
actual initiation and development of all these emotional 
responses would be a very haphazard matter nevertheless, 
if the new born human being or animal were dependent 
upon chance stimulation from the environment to evoke 
the various emotional patterns in adequate sequence and 
degree. Such is not the case, however. Not only are 
animals and human beings equipped, at birth, with integra- 
tive mechanisms capable of manufacturing D, C, and A, 
but also their organisms are equipped with chemico- 
physiological stimulating mechanisms which automatically 
compel the formation of the emotional patterns pCaD and 
aCpD. The stimulus mechanism of hunger continues to 
evoke appetite emotion with its constituent primary emotional 
patterns, at regular intervals of two to five hours throughout 
the life of the organism. It would seem, then, that the 
natural, or normal pattern of appetite emotion is properly 
to be learned only from a study of the integrative patterns 


imposed by this inherent hunger mechanism of the organism 
itself. In studying adult appetitive behaviour we must 
recognize the possibility that chance environmental stimula- 
tions, rather than the bodily hunger mechanism, may have 
determined the appetitive emotional pattern in whole or in 
part. The results of these environmental influences, in so 
far as they differ from the hunger-model are to be regarded 
rather as perversions or variations imposed upon the natural 
pattern, than as norms on which description of appetite 
emotion should be shaped. It is my own suggestion, there- 
fore, that our understanding of the natural or normal appeti- 
tive pattern be based upon examination of inherent integrative 
emotional mechanisms, already considered, and upon physio- 
logical accounts of how these integrative patterns are arranged 
by the equally inherent orgemic mechanisms of hunger 

Physiology of the Hunger Stimulus 

Carlson and Ginsburg have shown that hunger pangs occur 
in infants two hours after birth and in pups born eight to ten 
days before term. 1 Contractions of the infants' stomachs 
resembled those of adults except that the infant hunger con- 
tractions showed relatively gi eater vigour and frequency. 
Carlson and Luckhardt have shown that these hunger contrac- 
tions may be started up in the full stomach of a dog just after 
feeding, by injection of blood taken from an animal kept in 
a state of hunger for several days. 2 These results indicate 
that the hunger contractions of the stomach may be set up, 
at least partially by a " hunger hormone ", generated by body 
tissues in need of nourishment. The authors cited state their 
belief, however, that the origin of hunger pangs is also to be 
attributed in part to a specific nervous automatism, both 
central and peripheral, independent of afferent impulses. 
Cannon and Washburn 3 first showed that these contractions 

1 A. J. Carlson and H. Ginsburg, " The Tonus and Hunger Contrac- 
tions of the Stomach of the New Born," American Journal of Physiology, 
1915, vol. 38, p. 29. 

a A. J. Carlson and A. B. Luckhardt, " On the Chemical Control of 
the Gastric Hunger Mechanism,' 1 American Journal of Physiology, 1914, 
vol. 36, p. 37. 

8 W. B. Cannon and A. L. Washburn, American Journal of Physiology, 
vol. XXIX, p. 441. ' ' ' ' 


of the stomach were felt by the human subject as hunger pangs, 
followed by a desire for food. Carlson and Ginsburg showed 
that such hunger pangs occurred in the stomach of both human 
infants and animals before any food had been taken into the 

As a result of the researches mentioned, therefore, we may 
summarize the inherent, appetitive, stimulating mechanism 
of the body as follows : A hunger hormone, together with an 
inherent nervous automatism, initiate stomach contractions, 
in both animals and human beings. Such contractions may 
occur immediately after birth and before any food has been 
taken into the stomach. These hunger contraction? begin as 
a constriction in the cardiac end of the stomach, and sweep 
rapidly toward the pyloric end, increasing in strength as they 
proceed. 1 These automatically initiated hunger contractions 
are the organic sensations which are felt by the normal adult 
as hunger pangs, followed by desire for food. 

Motor Self Discharge Predominantly Sympathetic 

Bearing in mind, then, these automatic hunger contractions 
as an environmental stimulus, we must next determine the 
nature of the motor stimuli evoked by hunger contractions. 
In order to discover whether the motor discharge from hunger 
contractions is antagonistic to the motor self, we must also 
examine the natural tonic condition of efferent discharge over 
final paths common to the motor self and to the motor stimuli 
evoked by hunger. In other words, it is necessary, first, to 
discover the discharge paths of the motor self ; and then to 
examine the effect of the motor stimuli of hunger upon the 
tonic discharge. 

Cannon has shown 1 that wherever the viscera are innervated 
by both sympathetic and vagus impulses the sympathetic 
impulses prevail. That is, the tonic balance maintained by 
the motor self distinctly favours sympathetic motor discharge 
as against vagus innervations. The esophagus, stomach, and 
intestines are, in general, contracted by vagus impulses, and 
inhibited by sympathetic motor discharge. Both these 
influences are probably exerted upon the digestive tract 

1 A. J. Carlson, Control of Hunger in Health and Disease, Chicago, 
1919, p. 60. 

W. B. Cannon, Bodily Changes in Pain, Hunger, Fear, and Rage, 
Chapter I, " The Effect of the Emotions on Digestion." 



continually to a certain extent as shown by Patterson. 1 But 
Cannon has shown that emotions which are followed by 
sympathetic discharge tend to inhibit the vagus contractions 
of the stomach, slowing up digestion or abolishing it altogether. 
All these effects seem to be results of the simple fact that 
sympathetic impulses to the viscera naturally dominate vagus 
or cranial impulses. We might express this fact, in our own 
terms, by saying that the motor self tends to energize the blood 
vessels and other viscera contributing to activity of the skeletal 
muscles predominantly at the expense of the blood vessels and 
smooth muscles used in the process of digestion. 

Motor Stimuli Discharging Through Cranial Channels Would 
be Antagonistic to the Motor Self 

Thus, reinforcement of the motor self would be expected 
to lead to increased supply of blood to the skeletal muscles, 
increase of adrenalin in the blood, and other visceral pre- 
paration for activity of the skeletal muscles. Reinforcement 
of the motor self would be expected, similarly, to inhibit the 
movements of the esophagus, stomach and intestines, to slow 
up or stop altogether the secretion of gastric juice, and to 
interfere with the normal output of saliva into the mouth 
and throat. Any motor stimulus which had the effect of 
increasing the flow of saliva and gastric juice, and of enhancing 
the digestive movements of the stomach and intestines would 
be described, in our own terminology, as a motcr stimulus 
antagonistic to the motor self. 

Such an antagonistic motor stimulus would throw the reflex 
balance over to the vagus side, as opposed to the natural 
reflex equilibrium where sympathetic impulses predominate. 
If a motor stimulus could be shown to tend toward this vagus 
outlet of discharge, but only resulted in an increased sym- 
pathetic motor discharge, we might assume that the motor 
stimulus though antagonistic to the motor self, was of inferior 
intensity. The increased energy in skeletal muscles and 
sympathetically innervated viscera might be taken as evidence 
of a dominance response, wherein the motor self had reinforced 
itself in order to maintain its natural reflex balance despite 
the attempted upsetting of this balance by the weaker antagon- 

1 L. L. Patterson, " Vagus and Splanchnic Influence on Gastric 
Hunger Movements of the Frog," American Journal of Physiology. 
vol. 53, p. 239. 


istic motor stimulus. If, however, we found an initial re- 
inforcement of motor discharge through sympathetic channels, 
followed by a marked decrease in this sympathetic outflow 
together with a sudden appearance of vagus motor discharge, 
evidenced by increased secretion of saliva and similar symp- 
toms, we might assume that the antagonistic motor stimulus 
had proved of superior intensity to the motor self. As a conse- 
quence of its superior strength, such a motor stimulus might 
force its way through the barrier which the motor self sought 
to set up, the superior, antagonistic motor stimulus finally 
expressing itself through its own vagus channels. Such an 
occurrence, in short, would constitute an emotional response 
of compliance with intensity. 

Autonomic Cliannels of Motor Self and Motor Stimuli Summary 

We may summarize as follows : the natural reflex balance 
maintained by the motor self seems to call for a predominance 
of sympathetic motor discharge over vagus discharge. Sym- 
pathetic motor impulses inhibit digestive movements and 
gastric secretions, while at the same time increasing blood 
supply to the muscles and release of adrenin into the blood 
stream. Sympathetic visceral impulses of this sort have also 
been shown to run parallel, usually, to tonic impulses increasing 
the tonus of the skeletal muscles. 

V^gus impulses increase the digestive processes, and tend 
to inhibit^ blood supply and tonic impulses to the skeletal 
muscles. A motor stimulus, therefore, which sought vagus 
channels of discharge would be antagonistic to the motor self. 
Such a motor stimulus would tend to upset the natural reflex 
equilibrium maintained by the motor self in which sympathetic 
impulses predominated. If an antagonistic motor stimulus 
were weaker than the motor self, we should expect to find 
exaggeration of the natural reflex equilibrium ; that is, 
increased nervous energy sent through sympathetic channels. 
If, on the other hand, an antagonistic motor stimulus were 
stronger than the motor self, we should expect to find, first, 
an attempted reinforcement of sympathetic resistance by the 
motor self ; and secondly, a marked decrease in sympathetic 
motor discharge accompanied by a corresponding increase 
of vagus discharge, swinging the reflex balance over to the 
vagus side, and signalizing a defeat of the motor self by the 
antagonistic motor stimulus. 


Increase of sympathetic discharge would, in short, indicate a 
successful dominance response of the motor self ; while initial 
increase of sympathetic discharge followed by decrease of sym- 
pathetic discharge and corresponding ascendency of vagus dis- 
charge would constitute a compulsory response of compliance 
with intensity. 

Hunger Pangs Evoke Motor Stimuli Antagonistic and Superior 
to the Motor Self 

With the situation thus outlined, we may hope to discover 
whether -the motor stimuli evoked by hunger pangs are 
antagonistic to the motor self ; and, if they are, whether they 
are stronger or weaker than the tonic motor discharge. Carl- 
son, of Chicago, with his collaborators, has made a series of 
studies of the effect of hunger pangs upon various other 
functions of the body. 1 Carlson was fortunate in obtaining 
a subject, Mr. F. V., who had a complete closure of the 
esophagus and a permanent gastric fistula. When eleven 
years old, this subject accidentally drank a strong solution of 
caustic soda, and ever since that time, for more than twenty 
years, has fed himself through the gastric fistula. Carlson 
reports that F.V. has enjoyed good health through this period 
and is in every respect, with the exception of the closed 
esophagus, a normal individual. Stomach balloons and other 
recording devices could be inserted very easily into the 
stomach through the gastric fistula, which opened into the 
fundic end of the stomach, without producing the somewhat 
abnormal condition of consciousness necessarily caused by 
swallowing a stomach balloon with connecting tubes. In 
this way Carlson and his associates have been able to make 
studies of extraordinary accuracy and reliability, and they 
have given us a rather complete picture of the different types 
of motor stimuli, or motor discharge resulting from hunger 
contractions of all degrees of intensity. 

In the first place, Carlson has shown that no marked hunger 
is felt unless the stomach contractions are very strong. Accom- 
panying strong hunger contractions the following phenomena 
have been found : 

1 The results of these studies are found in A. J. Carlson's Control of 
Hunger in Health and Disease, Chicago, 1919, which is cited as authority 
lor the account of Carlson's findings here rendered. 


(1) Increased knee jerk, 

(2) increased heart rate, 

(3) increased blood volume of the arm, 

(4) a brief gush of saliva at the maximum point of each 

strong contraction, 

(5) marked irritability, restlessness, and inability to retain 

fixed attention. 

The blood volume of the arm increases up to a point near the 
height of the stomach contractions, and then begins to diminish 
before the contraction is complete. The knee jerk has been 
found by Lombard to be less during hunger than after satisfac- 
tion of hunger (although Carlson holds that it is greater during 
hunger than when neither hunger nor satiety is present). All 
these physical symptoms, taken together, present a clear 
picture symptomatic of antagonistic motor stimuli, superior 
in intensity to the motor self. The gush of saliva, and irrit- 
ability and restlessness (evidently representing an interference 
with energy to the skeletal muscles) appear only at the height 
of strong hunger contractions. Salivary secretion is produced 
by vagus innervation only, and interruption of sympathetic 
impulses by vagus discharge might also account adequately 
for the interruption of previous dominant activities in which 
the subject had been engaged, as evidenced by restlessness and 
irritability. The blood volume of the arm also increased by 
sympathetic innervations during the early part of each hunger 
contraction, begins to shrink before the contraction reaches 
its maximum height indicating once more a triumph of vagus 
over sympathetic innervations. The results of Lombard, if 
verified, might indicate that the knee jerk, though enhanced 
by hunger contractions, was reduced below its possible 
maximum by partially successful vagus opposition. Measure- 
ment of the knee jerk, however, is scarcely fine enough a 
determination to make comparison of this sort absolutely 
accurate. The heart rate is frequently found to increase 
pari passu with a decrease in strength of the heart beat, as 
evidenced by dimunition of blood volume in an arm or leg, 
or by systolic blood pressure measure at the brachial artery. 
The only dependable measurements of bodily changes 
caused by hunger pangs indicate exaggeration of the tonic 
balance (dominance response) up to a point close to the maxi- 
mal intensity of the stimulus. At this point, the antagonistic 
motor stimuli evoked by the pangs seem to break through the 


barrier set up against them by the motor self, just sufficiently 
to compel the motor self to give up its previous dominance 
response, and to seek some form of dominant activity which 
will be compatible with the hunger pang stimulus. This 
analysis indicates that hunger pangs constitute a stimulus 
antagonistic to the motor self and of superior intensity nicely 
calculated to compel a response of passive compliance with 
intensity. (Passive because only sufficient victory is attained 
by vagus impulses to compel the motor self to give up its 
previous dominance). 

Subject Passively Complies with Hunger Pangs and Actively 
Dominates Food (Desire) 

This analysis seems to be confirmed by examination of 
certain subjects with very strong stomach contractions, who 
experienced only nausea, weakness, and faintness during the 
contractions. Boring 1 and Carlson have both reported sub- 
jects of this type. I myself studied a woman subject of this 
type for about a year and a half. During stomach contractions 
she felt nausea and marked bodily weakness. At such times 
systolic blood pressure measurements showed marked drops 
apparently parallel with the stomach contractions. Because 
of the absence of conscious hunger, and the presence of 
nausea during hunger contractions, this subject could eat very 
little food, and was in an under-nourished physical condition. 
She had consulted a number of medical specialists* and bad 
tried various diets without result. After analysing her 
emotional responses, I came to the conclusion that the case 
was a psychological rather than a medical one. It seemed 
to me that she had developed compliance to a point where 
compliance response was controlling the visceral functions 
which normally are not under voluntary control. The case 
seemed not unlike that of the Hindu adept, with the additional 
complication that her excessive bodily compliance was not 
suited to an active strenuous life, and was not, in fact, physi- 
cally possible under conditions of dominant occidental civiliza- 
tion. Treating the case on this theory, I induced the subject 
to take an active, aggressive attitude toward her stomach 
pangs, regarding them as opponents which she must destroy 

1 E. G. Boring, " Processes Referred to the Alimentary and Urinary 
Tracts : A qualitative Analysis," Psychological Review, 1915, vol. XXII, 
P- 320. 


by forcing food into her stomach, even though nausea made 
this very difficult (the esophagus also seemed to be in a 
hypertonic condition). At first the subject experienced great 
difficulty, and frequently could not retain the iood swallowed. 
Eventually, however, under repeated suggestion, she began 
to regard the stomach pangs with aggressive antagonism. 
Soon after this she was able to swallow food with no great 
difficulty, her hunger pangs coming at two hour intervals. 
Within six months, feelings of nausea and faintness which had 
formerly accompanied the pangs had turned into feelings of 
ravenous hunger and appetite for food. Upon several occa- 
sions, J observed this subject in such an aggressive condition 
of hunger that she seized a loaf of bread and bit into it-savagery, 
without being able to wait for the bread to be cut and buttered. 
At this point in the case, the subject began to put on weight ; 
and about three and a half months later she had gained 
fifty-one pounds. 

My own analysis of this case just described was that the 
element of active dominance had been eliminated from the 
subject's emotional response to the hunger pang stimulus. 
As we have noted above, active appetite consists of simultane- 
ously compounded passive compliance (in this case with the 
hunger pangs) and active dominance (directed toward seizing 
and biting food). The woman subject in question had so 
traiaed herself in schools of occultism and esoteric religion 
that she was able to comply actively with any antagonistic 
motor stimulus, no matter how intense this stimulus might 
be. But her compliance training had been carried too far, 
and had not included a proper combination of dominance with 
compliance in the compound emotion of appetite. This 
additional training I was able to supply, and the result seemed 
to justify my analysis. 

We may summarize then, as follows : Hunger pangs, con- 
sisting of sudden stomach contractions beginning at the 
fundic end of the stomach, constitute an inherent stimulating 
mechanism. This inheient, automatic stimulus evokes in 
the normal individual motor stimuli antagonistic and of 
superior intensity to the motor self. The resulting emotional 
response is one of compliance with intensity. The superiority 
of strength in the motor stimuli, however, is nicely adjusted 
to produce passive compliance only, permitting the motor 
self to react dominantly toward a single type of environmental 


stimulus, food. Thus in the total response of active physical 
appetite, the individual is reacting simultaneously with passive 
compliance toward the hunger pangs and active dominance 
toward the food. 

Subject Actively Complies with Food and Passively Dominates 
Hunger Pangs 

Selection of food as an object toward which dominant 
activity can be directed evidently depends primarily upon 
the power of the chemical stimuli of smell and taste to inhibit 
the hunger pangs. It will be recalled that the hunger pangs 
themselves are not attributable to motor discharge into the 
central nervous system since it has been proved that hunger 
pangs may occur normally in a stomach which has been 
completely disconnected from all nerve connection with the 
central nervous system. We find, therefore, a situation 
wherein antagonistic stimuli of superior intensity evoked by 
hunger pangs cause motor discharge through vagus channels ; 
while a second antagonistic stimulus, food, while causing motor 
discharge through these same channels inhibits or removes 
the first antagonistic stimulus, hunger pangs. For the sight 
and smell of food have been proved by Cannon, Carlson, and 
others to result in (i) inhibition of hunger contractions of the 
stomach and (2) in vagusly innervated secretion of saliva and 
gastric juice, with decrease of blood supply to the skeletal 
muscles, and increase of blood to the digestive viscera^ Chew- 
ing of food, and swallowing of saliva and food have also been 
shown to inhibit hunger pangs by means of vagus discharge. 
The motor stimuli evoked by food are thus superior in integrative 
strength to the motor stimuli arising from hunger pangs. 

The food when thoroughly smelled, chewed, and taste^L 
evokes motor stimuli which are superior in volume to the 
motor self, and for this reason may be pleasantly complied 
with. Thus, we have a total picture of food stimulation 
evoking antagonistic motor stimuli of superior volume but 
inferior intensity to the motor self. At the same time, these 
motor stimuli evoked by food are enabled to gain an initial 
victory over the motor self by virtue of the fact that they 
utilize the identical motor channels followed by efferent 
discharge from hunger pang stimuli, which were of sufficient 
intensity originally to overcome the motor self. 

Finally, we find that, in proportion as the motor stimuli 


evoked by food inhibit and reduce in intensity the hunger 
pangs themselves, the motor self is enabled to re-establish its 
successful resistance to the motor stimuli from hunger pangs. 
In this situation we find active compliance of the motor self with 
the food stimuli simultaneously compounded with passive domin- 
ance directed toward the antagonistic motor stimuli evoked by 
hunger pangs. The activity of the response of compliance 
with food is made up of unchecked vagus discharge, resulting 
in tremendously increased secretion of saliva and gastric juice, 
and digestive movements of the stomach and intestines accom- 
panied by transfer of the major blood supply from the skeletal 
muscles to the digestive viscera. In short, the active com- 
pliance with food consists of an entire shift in the natural 
reflex balance of the organism from sympathetic preponderance 
to vagus preponderance. Yet this shift of reflex balance is 
accomplished by a large volume of antagonistic motor stimuli 
which are of moderate intensity only, permitting the motor 
self to continue to control its own normal motor channels, with 
even some increase in its own volume (as indicated by a slight 
increase in systolic blood pressure level of six to eight mm, on 
the average, after a full meal has been eaten.) Thus a response 
of compliance with volume toward food is compounded with a 
response of passive dominance toward hunger pangs. 

Spread of Active Compliance, During Satisfaction to Other 

Environmental Stimuli Besides Food 

My own studies of satisfaction of physical appetite have 
shown that passive appetite (that is, satisfied hunger as above 
described), carries with it an emotional attitude of active 
compliance toward nearly aJ] environmental stimuli, besides 
food itself ; and also an emotional attitude to expansive self- 
satisfaction frequently expressed in talkativeness, mild boasts 
of the subject^ accomplishments, and friendly condescension 
toward table companions. It is not by accident, apparently, 
that business men follow the custom of inviting to luncheon 
an important business connection from whom they hope to 
obtain a large order, or business contract favourable to 
themselves. I have studied at least a score of instances where 
a business man who, during the forenoon, rejected with great 
firmness the proposals of salesmen or business associates, 
yielded to these same proposals of salesmen with hearty good 
will after eating to the point of satiety at lunch (no liquor 


having been taken). Following a satisfactory meal, the active 
compliance with which the subject responds to his food seems 
nearly always to extend itself toward other stimuli of appe- 
titive nature, such as business deals and joint undertakings, 
conviviality, and amusements of various sorts. If precautions 
are taken by the salesman, or business man desirous of having 
his proposition accepted, not to increase the intensity of his 
proposals too greatly (that is not emphasizing his own ego 
or business strength unduly) this extended active compliance 
may be utilized to great financial advantage. 

Passive dominance also plays its part in rendering the 
average male susceptible to appetitive stimuli after the 
satisfaction of physical appetite. The subject feels much 
more sure of himself and nearly always possesses a distinct 
consciousness of having mastered all threatening or dangerous 
antagonists. While this element of passive dominance is 
really felt toward the physical hunger pangs, it nevertheless 
tends to extend itself toward elements in the business situation 
under discussion, which had seemed, before luncheon, formid- 
able and dangerous to the subject's own business security. 
While the state of physical satisfaction persists, however, the 
man is apt to feel much more secure, and able to undertake 
hazardous enterprises. 

Summary of Physical Appetite c - 

We may summarize, then, as follows. Food is,, the only 
environmental stimulus toward which the subject is able to 
react dominantly while hunger pangs are enforcing passive 
compliance with themselves upon the organism. 

Once the food has been dominated, however, and placed 
within stimulating distance of the nose or mouth, it evokes 
motor stimuli antagonistic to the motor self and superior 
to it in volume, though of only moderate intensity. This 
superior volume of motor stimuli evoked by food is able to 
control its vagus channels of discharge freely because the 
over-intense motor stimuli from hunger pangs have already 
opened these vagus channels, in spite of the resistance of 
the motor self. The food stimuli, moreover, reduce by 
inhibition the strength of the hunger pangs themselves, to a 
point where the hunger pangs motor stimuli can be success- 
fully resisted by the motor self. This simultaneous com- 
bination of active compliance with food and passive dominance 


toward hunger pangs constitutes passive appetite emotion, 
or satisfaction. 

Both the active compliance and passive dominance elements 
of this emotional compound tend to respond to many other 
appropriate types of environmental stimuli besides food, 
during the persistence of satisfaction emotion which was 
actually brought about by removal of hunger pangs by food. 

Characteristics of Dominance and Compliance Revealed 
in Eating Behaviour 

I have had occasion to study some cases showing inter- 
esting personality traits easily detectable by analysis of 
behaviour during eating. For instance, many male subjects, 
both adolescent and adult, possess personalities in which 
active dominance is very highly developed at the expense of 
active compliance. Several subjects of this type were college 
students whose eating behaviour I was able to observe at a 
college cafeteria five or six days a week. Out of seven sub- 
jects thus studied, five invariably " bolted " their meals, 
attacking the food much as they would attack an opponent 
of the athletic field. They almost always swallowed the 
food very hurriedly and with unnecessary energy, by the 
process popularly known as " gulping it down ". Two, at 
least, of these subjects had serious digestive difficulties 
apparently due to insufficient secretion of saliva and gastric 
juice, anc 1 also to inadequate chewing of the food before 
swallowing. One other subject, out of the seven, ate in a 
similar way whenever he was in a hurry to get to some class 
or engagement ; while on other occasions he ate more rapidly 
than the average person. This type of behaviour in eating 
seems clearly to reveal an imperfect, or altogether lacking 
active compliance with food, coupled to an excess of active 
dominance which the subject continued to express toward 
the food even after he had it completely captured on the 
table in front of him. The spread of this over-dominance 
and under-active compliance through the personalities of 
these college students was very striking. 

Adult males, especially business men, sometimes carry 
active dominance toward business to such an extreme that 
their food, even when thoroughly chewed, is reported as 
tasteless and " like sawdust ". In two such cases I have 
been able to restore pleasurable taste in eating to the subjects 


by inducing them to learn active compliance with food. 
Flow of saliva generally increases in response to sight, smell, 
and taste of food, and " taste " and enjoyment of the food 
increases correspondingly. Various other types of business 
men, and especially " white collar " employees whom I have 
studied, experience considerable pain and discomfort in 
digestion of their food, apparently because they will not 
give up physical activity of the skeletal muscles after eating. 
In other words, they may actively comply with their food 
during the meal itself, but immediately rush away to make 
the most of their noon hour in some physically active way. 
Or, in the case of business men of this type, they return to 
business calculations and planning immediately after eating. 
Active compliance with food, to be successful, must be con- 
tinued for twenty minutes to three quarters of an hour after 
finishing the meal, if a proper pattern of passive appetite 
emotion is to be built up in the natural way, by full satisfac- 
tion of the physical hunger mechanism. 

Hunger Pangs Can Build Up Model Inlegrative Pattern 
for Appetite Emotion 

In concluding our initial study of appetite emotion the 
nature of the role played by the bodily hunger pang mechanism 
should again be emphasized. Countless other environmental 
stimulus situations besides physical hunger are perfectly 
adequate to evoke simultaneous passive compliance and 
active dominance which constitute the active element of 
appetite emotion. Many stimulus situations other than 
satisfaccion of physical hunger pangs are adequate to evoke 
the simultaneous combination of active compliance and 
passive dominance which together comprise passive appetite 
emotion. The hunger pang mechanism, however, represents 
an inherent adequate stimulating mcc/iamsm, which if intelli- 
gently studied and permitted to control the organism is 
capable of building up a perfectly normal and well balanced 
integrative pattern for the emotion of appetite, in both its active 
and passive p}iases. 

Active and passive appetite, moreover, are brought to- 
gether and fitted into one another by the physical hunger 
mechanism, in a maximally well ordered manner. Active 
appetite gradually gives way to, and is supplanted by passive 
appetite, as the food is taken into the alimentary canal for 


ingestion. Moreover, this inherent emotional stimulating 
mechanism, hunger pangs, repeats its stimulation at periods 
three to five hours apart throughout the waking life of a 
normal human being, from birth to death. Such continually 
repeated enforcement of the entire, evenly balanced, in- 
tegrative pattern of appetite emotion furnishes a condition 
for the proper learning of appetite that could scarcely be 
found in any other series of experimental stimuli which 
could be devised for purposes of appetitive training. Surely, 
the average person would scarcely be expected to experience 
such a series of perfectly arranged stimuli in the more or 
less casual and haphazard environment met with in ordinary 
life. The hunger pang mechanism, therefore, should be 
accepted as the teacher of appetitive emotion, and environ- 
mental stimuli devised for teaching appetite emotion either 
to children or to adults should be patterned upon it. 



COHESIVE forces of nature may be said to submit to one 
another. Those relatively stable forms of energy known 
physically as " matter " each possess attractive force toward 
all material bodies, and this force of mutual attraction is 
known as " gravitation ". The largest material body with 
which we come into daily contact is the earth itself. The 
attractive power of the earth operates in alliance with the 
attractive force which each of these smaller bodies exerts 
toward the earth. This alliance of attractive forces, with 
that of the larger body, the earth, predominating, results 
in a tendency of each smaller body to move towards the centre 
of the earth, its motion being accelerated continuously as it 
moves. This law of the behaviour of smaller physical bodies 
toward the earth is called " gravity ". Gravity, then, repre- 
sents an alliance of attractive forces wherein the weaker 
attractive force progressively weakens itself by facilitating }he 
compulsion exercised upon itself by the stronger attractive force. 
Such behaviour presents a perfect objective picture of sub- 
mission. The lesser ally submits to the greater by decreasing 
itself to make the alliance closer. 

Submission Response Requires Thalamic Motor Centres 

It seems an interesting fact, at least, that constant tonic 
motor discharge constituting the motor self is largely composed 
of reflex responses of the organism to gravity. The bodies 
of human beings and of animals, like all other material objects 
on this planet, tend to submit physically to the pull of gravity. 
The tonic energization of skeletal muscles counteracts this 
gravitational pull, and holds the body erect. Thus physical 
submission must be opposed and counterbalanced by psycho- 
neural dominance, throughout the life of the organism. 

We have already noted, in the results obtained by Goltz 
and Sherrington, and others upon decerebrate animals, that 



the dominant, or tonic opposition to gravity is greatly ex- 
aggerated when all cortical influence has been removed. The 
condition of enhanced tonic posture called decerebrate rigidity 
results ; and this tonic outflow, in the absence of the cere- 
brum, responds to all intercurrent motor stimuli dominantly, 
that is, with increase of itself to overcome the increased 
opposition. Compliance response is abolished ; and sub- 
mission response, which must occur in sex emotion, and 
which represents the exact integrative antithesis of the pre- 
vailing dominance reaction of a decerebrate animal likewise 
fails to appear. Goltz found, in fact, that no aspect of sex 
emotion could be evoked. We may be reasonably sure, 
therefore, that submission response, like compliance, requires 
the mediation of some motor centre integratively superior 
to the tonic centres. On the other hand, it was established 
more than a century ago 1 that only thalamic connections 
are necessary to spontaneous movements, and to centrally 
innervated sex response. Since the latter depends primarily, 
as we shall have occasion shortly to note, upon a submission 
type of integration, we may conclude that the primary 
emotional response of submission may be mediated by 
thalamic motor centres, in the absence of the cerebral 

1 * True Submission Appears in Infant Behaviour 

Watson lists " love " response as an unlearned type of 
emotional reaction. 1 "The stimulus to 'love 1 response/ 1 
he says, " may be stroking of the skin, tickling, gentle rocking, 
or patting." The response is also elicited by stimulation of 
the so-called erogenous zones, including the nipples, lips, 
and sex organs. If the infant is crying when thus stimulated, 
its crying will cease and a smile will take its place. Gurgling 
and cooing appear and the infant may extend its hand or 
foot to be tickled or stroked. Erection of the penis, changes 
in circulation and respiration, are also included by Watson 
in his list of love responses. All the reactions thus listed appear 
to depend upon a lessening of the tonic resistance to environment 
for the purpose of enhancing the effect which an allied motor 
stimulus is having upon the organism. 

*A. Desmoulins and F. Magendie, Des Systemes Nerveux, 1825, 
yol. II. p. 626. 

* J. B. Watson, Behaviorism, p. 123. 


In some of the reactions listed, such as erection of the penis, 
we know that cortical inhibitions antagonistic to the motor 
self and love reactions alike must have been removed by the 
motor stimulus, prior to its passage down the spinal cord to 
the sacral ganglia innervating the external genitals. Re- 
moval of this cortical inhibition could not be accomplished 
by the motor self under ordinary conditions and we know, 
therefore, that the motor stimulus must have proved itself to 
Possess greater integrative strength than that possessed by the 
motor self. The same conclusion may be drawn from the 
effect of submission stimulation in successfully overcoming 
the over-dominant type of response probably expressed in 
crying. Whether the motor stimuli adequate to submission 
response gain their integrative power through superior allied 
volume or through innate prepotency of the nerve channels 
employed, need not be discussed. If the motor stimulus 
possesses superior strength to that of the motor self and is in 
alliance with the motor self, the stimulus falls within the 
definition of an adequate submission stimulus suggested in 
chapter five. 

Though parts of the sympathetic and sacral branches of 
the autonomic nervous system, innervating respectively the 
internal and external genital organs, seem to be antagonistic 
to one another, it is nevertheless a fact that internal and 
external genitals are excited simultaneously throughouc the 
sexual act until this condition is terminated by Ihe sexual 
orgasm. To bring about this simultaneous excitement in 
both sets of genital organs, however, the sympathetic or tonic 
motor discharge must apparently be reduced in intensity. 
Thus the final integrative condition during erection of the 
penis following environmental stimulus described by Watson, 
would seem to be a decrease of motor self for the purpose of 
increasing alliance with the stronger motor stimulus. This 
constitutes the nodal type of integration designated as submission 
response. The infant, during "love behaviour" described 
by Watson, decreases its motor self for the purpose of sur- 
rendering more completely to the direction of an allied motor 

Similar Submission in Behaviour of Older Children 

Behaviour of older children in response to the hugs and 
caresses of a mother, or other loved adult, follow the samq 


general trend of reaction discovered by Watson in very young 
infants. The child, when caressed, responds by yielding its 
body freely to the embrace or other stimulation imposed by 
the adult. If the child is in a state of " being naughty " (that 
is, overdominant), caresses and similar love stimuli will very 
frequently abolish the naughtiness or temper fit. Spontaneous 
caresses may be given by the child to the parent, and a general 
tendency to draw near to the parent may always be observed. 
Responses of so-called obedience to the loved one's commands 
soon become an important part of the submission behaviour 
pattern. Such obedience to command is rendered spontan- 
eously and gladly with an apparent accompaniment of extreme 

Learning of Submission is Pleasant, Learning of Compliance 
Is Unpleasant 

It is necessary to emphasize the distinction between sub- 
mission and compliance. Both are learned responses in the 
sense that there seems to be no submissive lowering of the 
strength or volume of the tonic discharge prior to birth, or 
at least none brought about by the transitory type of environ- 
mental stimulus which induces submission response in infants 
describd by Watson. Submission, however, is a response 
which appears to be learned much more readily and by al- 
together pleasant means. Whereas compliance, as we have 
seen, often requires very harsh and even destructive stimula- 
tion to evoke it directly. 

This initial point of contrast between submission and com- 
pliance response is brought out in the many cases of little 
boys, from three to seven years old, who respond obediently 
and affectionately to their mothers, or, sometimes to nurse- 
maids and girls older than themselves, while they may react 
dominantly toward their fathers and toward older boys with 
whom they play. I have had occasion to study three or four 
cases of this type for short periods of time. One boy, aged 
four, in the public kindergarten obeyed the commands of 
an older sister, a girl between twelve and thirteen years old, 
without protest and apparently with considerable pleasure 
derived from the obedience itself. This same child, however, 
was reported as extremely rebellious toward his father's 
authority, and also caused some difficulty at school because 
of disobedience to a woman teacher whose manner was rather 


harsh, and whose attitude was that of a strict disciplinarian. 
Another case in point was that of the boy Jack, already 
mentioned in chapter seven. Jack, it will be remembered, 
suffered from some glandular disturbance, which seemed to 
over stimulate his dominance to the point where he could 
not be compelled to comply, even by physical injury. Yet, 
Jack responded submissively to his " class teacher ", who 
was a very gentle-mannered girl of twenty-three or twenty- 
four. Despite her soft and pleasing approach, however, 
Miss B. was very firm in her commands, and had a reputation 
for keeping excellent order among the children in her charge. 
Jack responded to this treatment more readily, even, than 
did somte of the other children. Jack and Miss B. were 
" great friends ". As we have already observed, Miss B. 
succeeded in obtaining Jack's promise to forego his youthful 
gangster activities, and this promise was kept for as long 
a time as the child's physical abnormality permitted. Jack's 
promise to Miss B., and his marked obedience to her com- 
mands in the school room, were clearly expressions of sub- 
mission and not of compliance. Jack admitted to me with 
some reluctance that he " liked to mind Miss B." Sub- 
mission, apparently, was even more pleasant to Jack than 
was dominance, though submission occupied a much smaller 
proportion of Jack's life than dominance, because he was 
stimulated to dominance much more continuously than to 
submission response. 

Stimulus Evoking Submission Must Be Allied to Subject ; 
Stimulus Evoking Compliance is Antagonistic 

These cases suffice to illustrate the fact that submission 
response is naturally, and always pleasantly learned, when 
it is learned at all ; whereas in compliance, if the attempt 
is made to evoke it directly, it is extremely difficult to arouse, 
and requires great harshness and unpleasantness of stimula- 
tion. The same cases also illustrate the fundamental differ- 
ence between an adequate stimulus to submission and an 
adequate stimulus to compliance. The sister who was able 
to evoke complete submission from her little brother, Paul, 
first evoked this response from the child by caressing and 
petting him. During the year preceding my examination 
of the children, E, the older sister, had been given almost 
complete charge of little Paul during his play hours. She 


had never, so far as I could learn, treated the child harshly 
or unjustly in any way. She had allowed Paul to play 
with children his own age, but had always insisted on prompt 
obedience whenever she decided it was time for him to stop 
playing. The mother stated that E. always brought Paul 
home in time for meals, and that he let E. wash his face and 
hands without protest. In short, E. had consistently acted 
for Paul's benefit rather than for her own. This fact, strangely 
enough, seems to have impressed itself upon the conscious- 
ness of the child much more effectively than did the severe 
whippings which he had received from his father, from time 
to time. Paul submitted to E. because he felt E. to be an ally 
of superior strength. It is this allied quality of the stimulus 
which gives it the power to arouse submission. And it is 
the manner and general attitude, including vocal inflection 
and gestures, which seem to convey to a child the allied 
aspect of the older person's behaviour toward him. 

Submission Not Dependent Upon Erogenous Zone 

In the case just cited, the sister E. had, of course, kissed, 
caressed, and otherwise petted the child Paul, and it might 
be supposed, perhaps, that these caresses were the most 
important element in evoking the child's submission. In 
the cAse of Jack, however, so far as I was able to learn from 
the teacher, and also from other persons who had observed 
Miss B's relations with Jack, there had been no physical 
contact whatever between the two. The girl had not, so 
far as she could remember, even placed a friendly arm about 
the boy's shoulder, nor had she taken him by the hand while 
talking to him. Yet Jack's submissive behaviour toward 
Miss B. was pronounced and consistent. Jack was impressed, 
among other things, with the justness of Miss B.'s decisions 
and especially with the fact that she was " looking after the 
kids' " interests rather than her own. Again it seemed to 
me that the manner and attitude of the teacher were the 
aspects of her behaviour which made the greatest impression 
upon the children who submitted to her, including Jack. 
This teacher, by the way, spent her hours outside of school 
in further collegiate studies for her own advancement, so 
she had no contacts with the children except those in the 
school room. The effectiveness of an adequate stimulus to 


submission does not seem to depend upon stimulation of the 
" erogenous zone " directly or indirectly, nor does it appear 
to depend upon the duration of the stimulus. 

Stimulus Evoking Submission Must Be Stronger Than the 
Boy But Not Too Intense 

When children, especially boys, reach adolescence, a some- 
what more intense type of stimulation seems to be necessary 
in order to evoke submission response. A very nice adjust- 
ment of this intensity must be made, oftentimes, for if the 
intensity is not sufficient, a dominant boy is apt not to per- 
ceive the stimulus as stronger than himself, even though he 
recognizes its allied quality. Whereas, if the intensity of 
stimulation is too great, a dominant boy almost invariably 
regards it as antagonistic rather than allied. One example 
illustrating the former situation, where stimulation was of 
insufficient intensity, may be taken from the case of a high 
school teacher, Miss R., who " loved " all the youngsters in 
her various classes, the word " love " being Miss R.'s own 
description of her attitude. Miss R. was, in fact, an excellent 
teacher, but a complete failure as a disciplinarian. In one 
case which I actually observed, a large, dominant football- 
playing youth rose calmly at the back of one of the school 
rooms, and threw a book at another football player who 
happened to be reciting at that moment. 

"Now, now, Edward," protested Miss R., in* a voice of 
deep concern, " is that a fair thing to do ? I didn't think 
that of you, Edward ; I am surprised. 11 

Edward agreed : " That's right, Miss R., I'll wait till Ben 
is looking next time. It's not fair to hit a fellow when he 
isn't looking, I know.' 1 

The class broke into a roar of unsuppressed merriment, 
and that was the end of the incident. Miss R., though she 
flushed deeply, and seemed for the time undecided whether 
or not to send Edward to the principal for discipline, finally 
ignored the action altogether and went on with her teaching. 
Miss R.'s conduct is not to be interpreted, I believe, as over 
compliance or " fear ", for she had performed many acts 
during her teaching career which expressed both moral and 
physical courage. She was herself over-submissive and could 
not, therefore, evoke submission from others. Edward, and 
nearly all the boys under Miss R.'s tutelage, however, were 


extremely fond of her. Edward, in fact, took her to one of 
the school dances after the incident narrated above. He 
explained his action by stating that " he was afraid he had 
hurt Miss R.'s feelings " in the book-throwing occurrence. 
But this regard for Miss R.'s feelings did not make Edward 
or any of the other boys obedient to her at that time, or at 
any other subsequent period. Miss R. impressed herself upon 
the boys as an allied stimulus weaker than themselves. Such a 
stimulus fails to evoke submission. 

In the same school was an assistant head master who was 
regarded by the boys as a strict disciplinarian. The more 
intelligent of the youths under his charge did not question 
the man's sincerity, or the fairness of his decisions as to where 
the guilt for any misdemeanour should be placed. The less 
intelligent boys concocted traditions supposed to reveal the 
injustice and egotism of Mr. Y. Both the intelligent and the 
less intelligent youths, however, agreed that Mr. Y. was a 
" hellion ", and not only did they fail to obey him, but also 
it had seemingly become a matter of principle with them to 
find ingenious and subtle methods of " beating " Mr. Y.'s 
commands. One example of the harshness, or over-intensity 
of stimulation with which -Mr. Y. sought to evoke submission 
will suffice to reveal the emotional cause for the boys' dis- 

'It'was a school custom to give as punishment for minor 
offences ;>ne or two hours extra work in some appropriate 
school subject, to be performed in the afternoon after the other 
pupils had been dismissed for the day. One boy had quite 
inadvertently knocked an eraser off the rack. In picking 
it up from the floor, this youth drew it across the back of 
another boy, who was at the board working with his back to 
the room. The children, of course, laughed, and the class 
teacher reported the culprit to the assistant head master for 
the usual minor disciplinary measures. Instead of sentencing 
the boy to the customary one or two hours extra work, however, 
Mr. Y. delivered a terrific lecture to this youth, calling him 
everything but a murderer, and concluded his tirade by giving 
the boy forty hours extra work to be performed in the after- 
noons. From my own studies of Mr. Y. and bis methods, I 
am convinced that he acted sincerely, and, as he thought, for 
the boy's own good. This particular youth had been doing 
poorly in his school work, and Mr. Y.'s idea was that he should 


bring him back to a submissive frame of mind by sheer severity 
of punishment. Not only, however, did Mr. Y. fail to evoke 
the desired submission but the boy actually left school with 
the approval of his parents (who sent him to another, more 
fashionable school), rather than comply with the punishment 
sentence meted out. Even though a stimulus is actually allied 
in nature, it will be regarded as antagonistic if it is too intense, 
and in such case will not evoke submission. 

Allied Stimulus of Superior Volume Effectively Evokes 

Mr. H., principal of a continuation school in New York 
City, may be cited as an example of a person using an effective 
degree of intensity in evoking submission from boys twelve 
to seventeen years of age. A continuation school is designed 
to give instruction to those children who have gone to work 
before completing the grades of school required by law. The 
pupils in such a school are apt to be much more dominant 
than those in the ordinary day school. For example, while 
we were engaged in surveying Mr. H.'s continuation school, 
one pupil was discovered to be a full-fledged boot-legger, and 
another was intercepted by Mr. H. in the act of manufacturing 
a black-jack in the carpenter shop, " for sale to a friend " as 
the boy said. Mr. H.'s method of handling these youths was 
first of all to impress upon them in every way possible the 
fact that he was ready to act in their interests at Ul times, 
whatever the inconvenience to himself. He obtained positions 
for his pupils, appeared for them in juvenile court whenever 
he could legitimately do so, and undertook to assume a sort of 
paternal guardianship over boys of notoriously bad character. 
As a result of these activities there were no doubts in the boys' 
minds that Mr. H. was their best friend. On the other hand, 
Mr. H. insisted upon strict obedience to the rules which he 
laid down, not only as to conduct in the school itself, but also 
in regard to the boys' behaviour while working at tne jobs Mr. 
H. obtained for them, and in tne home and local community. 

Mr. H. was continually alert in obtaining information as 
to the boys' conduct, and very prompt and emphatic in calling 
the boy to task for any misdemeanours which might be dis- 
covered. Mr. H., however, used a method of discipline quite 
the opposite from that employed by Mr. Y. in the case last 
cited. Mr. H. restrained the boys, by force, if necessary, 


from doing something they wanted to do, as punishment for 
misdemeanours. But never, so far as my observation went, 
did Mr. H. impose positive punishment upon an offender 
which required active compliance or which gave the boy 
punished actual pain or suffering. Mr. H. might require a boy 
to remain in a certain recitation room instead of going to do 
the shop work which that boy especially liked. Again Mr. H. 
might withhold certification which would enable the boy to 
take a desired position. Or Mr. H. might refuse to allow the 
boy to come to his school for a time (one youngster kept 
coming every day for several months before Mr. H. took him 
back). In extreme cases, Mr. H. might withdraw his endorse- 
ment of a boy who had misbehaved very badly, thus causing 
the youth to be discharged from a lucrative position, or 
exposing him unprotected to some juvenile court penalty. 

These punishments, which were all of a restraining or with- 
drawing nature, were actually more severe in many cases than 
a sharp physical whipping would have been. But here severity 
was felt as one of volume rather than intensity. The effect of 
superior volume seemed to be that the allied aspect of the 
stimulation remained unchanged, while the stimulus, Mr. H., 
assumed the role of superior strength. Ot course, there were 
individual instances in which the punished boy would react 
dorninantly for the time being. But in all the cases I studied, 
with a single exception, such initial dominance later turned 
into submission with increased affectionate obedience to Mr. H. 
after this final submission had been evoked. We may sum- 
marize Mr. H.'s method by the statement that an allied 
stimulus capable of impressing both its allied character and its 
superior strength of volume upon the subject is maximally efficient 
in evoking submission especially from dominant subjects. 

Woman's Strength Seldom Felt as Superior by Adolescent Males 

Under our current social conventions and existing social 
attitudes, it is decidedly more difficult for a woman teacher 
or disciplinarian to impress her superiority of strength upon 
adolescent boys and girls than for a male teacher of corre- 
sponding ability. One young woman who acted as principal 
of the major portion of a combined grammar and high school 
which we studied, succeeded in evoking submission by the 
sheer strength of her physical alertness and intensity of 
manner. Most women preceptors who attempt this method 


succeed only in making themselves felt as antagonistic to their 
pupils. This particular woman, however, was young and good 
looking, and, like Mr. H , took a personal interest in the welfare 
of her charges outside of school activities. She helped them 
in many ways, and impressed upon them her regard for their 
interests even more strongly than she impressed upon them 
the tenseness and vigour of her physical attitude. Some of 
the older and more dominant boys, however, failed to be im- 
pressed with her superior strength ; and although they 
expressed a liking for her, they did not submit to the extent 
that might have been brought about by a male teacher 
possessing only a small part of the acting principal's regard 
for her pupils. 

Allied, Intellectual Superiority May Evoke Submission 
I have discovered only one woman teacher of pupils of high 
school age (thirteen to eighteen years) who was able to impress 
her superior strength upon the most dominant of the youths 
under her charge. One of these youths, after he had become 
a college professor, told me that he considered this teacher 
to have exerted over him one of the strongest and most bene- 
ficial influences that he had ever felt. He described her as an 
" inspiration, and a wonderful woman ". Miss C. M. seems 
to have devoted herself, without stint, tc helping her students 
with their own personal problems, in every way possible." So 
far as I could determine, this woman teacher not omy studied 
her pupils individually, giving each the treatment best suited 
to his or her needs, but also proved herself so resourceful in 
quelling the rising dominance of an obstreperous youth before 
it broke out into open rebellion, that the pupils felt her influence 
over them to be mysterious or magical. This teacher's 
method might be called the intellectual technique of making 
one's superiority of strength felt by those from whom sub- 
mission is to be evoked It requires not only intellect in its 
ordinary sense, on the part of the teacher, but also a subtle 
understanding of the emotions of the pupils whose obedience 
is to be exacted. By means of this superior insight, dominance 
can be met at its inception and transferred to objects other 
than the teacher. The result of such ingenious handling of 
a pupil's own emotional responses impresses the youth strongly, 
it seems, with the irresistibieness of the teacher's influence, 
while her power is felt to be one of volume rather than in- 


tensity. In the ability of Miss C. M. we find exemplified, 
therefore, another very effective type of submission stimu- 
lation. An allied stimulus may be applied so skilfully to the 
individual emotional mechanisms of dominant subjects that 
dominance is never evoked toward the stimulus person, and the 
stimulus is felt to be of superior strength at all times, thus evoking 
submission successfully. 

Stimulus Person Must Resemble Subject to Evoke Submission 

A common factor to be found in all the adequate stimuli 
to submission response so far examined, is a close resemblance 
in species, race, and habits of behaviour and speech between 
tne person who evokes submission response and the subject 
from whom submission is elicited. I have been informed by a 
Chinese professor of psychology that he and his fellow students, 
when first attending school, expressed very little submission 
toward English and American teachers. In Chinese schools 
taught by " foreigners ", the Chinese boys, while feeling 
genuine submission toward learned men of their own nation- 
ality, were not impressed with the genuineness of the friendship 
for them which the mission teachers expressed. The Chinese 
boys, as a means of obtaining the instruction which they 
desired, complied very skilfully and subtly with the exactions 
of their foreign teachers. Their response, however, was one 
of passive appetite emotion combining active compliance 
with thC5 teacher and passive dominance over the student's 
own scholastic needs. Though the behaviour of the young 
Chinese had the appearance of submission, it did not, in fact, 
contain any submission response at all. The reason for the 
failure of the foreign teacher to evoke submission seemed to 
be the outstanding difference in dress, colour of skin, and eyes, 
facial features, language, vocal inflection, mannerisms and 
social standards of conduct. These so obvious differences 
between stimulus and subject prevented the Chinese students 
from feeling the foreigner as an allied stimulus, no matter 
how much the teacher might actually do for the student, or 
how friendly an attitude the teacher might express in the class 
room. Of course, the general attitude of Chinese toward 
foreigners may be advanced as the conditioned cause of their 
behaviour. But whence arises the general failure to submit 
to foreigners in friendly intercourse, if not in their dissimilarity 
to the subjects ? 


The first requisite, therefore, which must be possessed by an 
adequate stimulus to submission in order to impress upon 
the subject its allied quality would seem to be the requirement 
that the stimulus should be a human being of a race and 
civilization possessing general characteristics similar to those 
of the race and civilization of the subject. Normal human 
beings seldom, if ever, submit to animals, and never, save by 
perverted transfer of a response first evoked by some fellow 
human, do they submit to inanimate objects. The reason 
for this fact seems to lie in the dissimilarity between a human 
subject and the animal or material stimulus which, therefore, 
fails to impress its allied quality upon the subject's organism. 
It is a well recognized social phenomenon that foreigners are 
seldom, if ever, accepted on the same social basis as natives 
of the social community in question. " Foreigners are not 
understood ". They are regarded as " queer " and probably 
antagonistic, in secret at least, to the interests of the natives. 
Social opposition to a foreigner occurs frequently. 

On the other hand, foreign mannerisms of a supposedly 
cultured or distinguished type frequently serve to impress 
certain types of persons, notably women, with the supposed 
superior ability of the foreigner. This effect of foreign 
mannerisms is enhanced by popular stereotypes, attaching 
glamour or romance to certain types of foreigners. Thus ir 
America, mannerisms suggesting those of the British nobleman, 
or the French, or Italian diplomat are often sufficient to lend 
temporary social superiority to the person of some very 
ordinary European, who may very possibly, also, be a fortune 
seeking imposter. On the other hand, members of the 
Asiatic races, no matter how clever or socially superior they 
may actually be seldom succeed in evoking personal submis- 
sion response from Americans of either sex, the difference of 
skin colour, facial features, and bodily mannerisms and customs 
being too marked. 

In summary, then, we may say that only human beings are 
normally felt to be sufficiently allied to other human beings 
to evoke submission responses. Skin colour, and general 
racial types of body and social customs, must also be similar 
within comparatively narrow limits to be felt as sufficiently 
allied to evoke submission response. If, however, this 
requirement of general similarity of species and race be met, 
minor differences in language and social mannerisms may 


serve to add the necessary impression of superior strength to 
a given individual to furnish the second necessary attribute, 
superiority, rendering that individual an adequate stimulus 
to submission response. 

Female Behaviour Contains More Submission Than Male 


Finally, my own emotional studies have shown that girls 
between the ages of five and twenty-five manifest a much 
larger proportion of submission response in their total 
behaviour than do males of ages corresponding. It must 
be remembered that this comparison does not refer to the 
amount of submission response in comparison with inducement 
reactions, but simply refers to the relative importance of 
submission in the total behaviour pattern. A large proportion 
of the submission responses of those girls within the ages 
mentioned whose behaviour I have been able to study in 
clinics appears to be directed toward the girls' mothers, or 
in some few cases, toward an especially beloved woman 
teacher or girl friend, usually older or more mature in some 
way than the girl herself. The usual feminine attitude toward 
males or toward male parent and lovers, though containing 
a great deal of submission response, is nevertheless more 
markedly characterized by inducement, as we shall have 
occasion to observe in a subsequent chapter. It is the girl's 
attitude "toward her mother, or especially toward her girl 
friend which, according to my own observations, contains 
the greatest proportion of true submission. 

Many adolescent girls whom I have talked with during a 
personality interview seem never to have questioned the 
advisability of rendering complete submission to the mother, 
even in the matter of rejection of friendships with members 
of both sexes which the girl dearly longed for. Italian girls 
fourteen to sixteen years old, though far from submissive to 
some of the school authorities, their brothers, and their 
fathers, nevertheless submitted to their mothers' commands 
to the extent of working six to eight hours a day at weaving 
iii the home, besides attending public school. Several of 
these girls told me that they " were crazy to go to dances and 
movies ", but, as a matter of fact, they were not allowed to 
go more often than three or four times a year. Work was 
done at the mother's command, however, without the slightest 



feeling of rebellion, so far as I could discover ; and the personal 
part of the submission response to the mother appeared to 
give these girls very great pleasure. In such instances the 
mother, of course, was acting for her own interests rather 
than for those of her daughter. But the relationship and 
early training of the children had been such that the possi- 
bility of selfishness on the mother's part had never occurred 
to the girls. The mother who had always cared for and 
clothed them ever since their earliest recollections, was accepted 
as a completely allied stimulus, and by virtue of the same 
earliest experiences and training, was endowed with the 
attribute of superior strength. So far as I could discover, 
physical caresses played only a minor part in the relationship 
between mother and daughter. 

In other instances, girls whose families were of various 
racial stocks including English, Irish, German, and French, 
had gone to work outside the home, yet gave their full pay 
regularly to their mothers without question. Many of these 
girls' brothers at a much younger age had refused to bring 
home their pay envelopes, and some of these boys, when 
threatened by the father with a beating, had left home alto- 
gether. I found two instances, moreover, where* girls had 
similarly left home when the father had attempted to compel 
the girl to further obedience by threat of punishment. These 
same girls had frequently been whipped by their mothers 
without rebellion. It was the custom, however, ^in these 
particular families for the children to give over their earnings 
to the father rather than to the mother, and it was this situation 
which resulted in the breach of relationships reported. 

In clinical work with college girls, I found that the most 
effective influence could frequently be brought to bear upon 
an over-dominant girl through the help of another girl whom 
she especially admired or cared for. In one instance a girl 
was easily persuaded by her friend to engage in certain social 
activities which proved most beneficial to the subject, though 
she had previously failed to respond to attempted persuasions 
by relatives and male admirers. In several other instances 
girls responded submissively to their older sorority sisters, 
attaining marked improvement in college grades as a result. 
These submissive responses were seemingly more easily 
evoked and enduring in character than any submissive re- 
actions evoked from male subjects under similar conditions, 


in my experience. In all instances of submissive response 
cited in this chapter, especial attention should be given to 
the fact that we are dealing, as far as possible, with simple 
submission, and not with the compounds of submission and 
inducement which form the love response. Emphasis has 
been laid purposely upon relationships of the subject and 
stimulus person which do not involve strong love attachments 
of complicating nature. Some of the results herein cited 
will undoubtedly be seen to vary considerably when a com- 
plete emotional response of love is involved, especially those 
relating to influence exerted by one sex upon the other. 

A dive and Passive Submission 

In all the instances of submission response thus far cited 
we have found the stimulus to be a human being whose behav- 
iour is closely allied with the subject's own, but who manifests 
at the same time superior strength to that of the subject. In 
technical terms adopted for purposes of describing emotional 
mechanisms, an environmental stimulus closely allied and 
superior in volume to the portion of the subject's organism 
stimulated, tends to evoke motor stimuli allied to the motor 
self and possessed of superior volume to the motor self. The 
response of submission, in each instance considered above, 
consists of a voluntary weakening of the subject organism's 
resistance to the environmental stimulus, and an allied move- 
ment of the self thus weakened tending to establish still closer 
alliance between the subject and the person to whom the 
subject is submitting. In more precise terms, we may des- 
cribe this situation by saying that the motor self, responding 
to adequate submission stimulus, decreases its own strength in 
order to move itself as directed by the stimulus. 

Passive submission may now be defined as a decrease in 
the strength of the motor self sufficient to permit the motor 
self of the organism to be moved by the motor stimulus, but 
with no active movement on the part of the motor self destined 
to further the purposes of the motor stimulus. The baby, 
when it ceased crying and permitted itself to be stroked or 
caressed without resistance, or the woman lying passive in her 
lover's arms, constitute examples of passive submission. 

Active submission requires a decrease in the motor self to 
whatever point is necessary for the motor self to move as 
directed by the motor stimulus, and also an active movement 



of the self to bring about the accomplishment of those ends 
toward which the motor stimulus is tending to move the 
subject organism. Examples of active submission may be 
found in infant behaviour, when the child under its mother's 
caresses pushes itself closer to the mother's body, or, when 
older, presses its lips actively against hers when kissed. Active 
submission may be evidenced in the conduct of adults, when, 
for example, a male lover changes his residence or occupation 
at the behest of the woman whom he loves. 

Motor Self Decreases Us Strength Sufficiently to be Controlled 

The measure of the decrease of strength of the motor self 
which occurs during submission seems to differ somewhat 
from a similar measure of change in motor self strength during 
dominance and compliance. During submission response the 
motor self may frequently increase its strength toward objects 
other than the submissive stimulus, for the very purpose of 
carrying out the commands of the person to whom submission 
is being rendered. Yet, the motor self must be kept in a 
sufficiently weakened state in its relationship with the sub- 
mission stimulus to permit the stimulus to direct the reaction 
of the self toward other objects. The measure of this decrease 
in the motor self, therefore, will be equal, approximately, 
to the difference between the original strength of the motor 
self and the strength at which it can be wholly controlled by 
the motor stimulus to submission. Thus if the motor-stimtilus 
weie a very strong one, and the motor self of comparatively 
low intensity, only a slight decrease of strength might enable 
the stimulus to direct the self to the fullest extent. On the 
other hand, if there were very little difference in strength at 
the inception of the submissive response, between motor 
stimulus and motor self, the motor self might be compelled to 
reduce itself by a very large proportion of its initial strength 
before coming under full control of the motor stimulus. 

Examples of these two extremes may be cited as follows. 
A little girl five years of age, who is trained to submit promptly 
to her mother's commands, only needs to reduce her existing 
outflow of energy sufficiently to fix her attention upon the 
mother's words in order to become fully controlled by the 
instructions of the mother. The superiority of the strength 
of the motor stimulus evoked by the mother is naturally 
very great because of the habitual relationship between 


mother and daughter, tke great difference in physical size and 
strength between adult and young child, and the integrative 
influence of systematic training in this same type of response. 
As an example of the opposite extreme of required reduction 
in the strength of the motor self in order to submit to an 
appropriate motor stimulus, the case of a tired business man 
who is required to submit to being " the horse " for his small 
son, might be cited. In this instance the father's physical 
size and strength is very much greater than that of the child. 
The thresholds of all the responses of his entire organism 
are raised by fatigue, and his habitual emotional attitude 
toward the child is one of inducement or command rather than 
submission. Yet such a man's emotional responses toward 
the child may have been organized in such a way (perhaps 
through the wife's influence) that submission has been learned 
as a response to the child's demand to " play horse ". Tre- 
mendous reduction in the strength of the father's motor self 
must occur if it is to be put under the control of the motor 
stimuli evoked by the child's lisped commands and tiny tugs 
at the reins. That such tremendous reduction in the motor 
self may be made successfully, however, is a matter of everyday 


viSufcmission is found as a principle of reaction between in- 
animate ybjects, in the behaviour of a smaller unit of matter 
which is drawn toward a larger unit by the attractive force of 
gravitation. Both objects are allied in the mutual force of 
attraction which they exert over each other. The smaller 
material object decreases its own force by moving itself in 
such a way as to increase the force exerted upon it by the 
larger object, and thereafter the smaller object's attractive 
power is entirely directed by the larger object. 

It seems to be an interesting fact that the motor self, or 
continuous tonic discharge is produced by reflex opposition 
to the body's physical submission or the force of gravity 
exerted upon it by the earth. Psycho-neural submission, 
therefore must consist of lessening the motor self's opposition 
to gravity sufficiently to permit control of the motor self by 
an allied motor stimulus of superior volume. Experiments 
upon decerebrate animals indicate that the primary emotional 
response of submission requires the mediation of sorne motor 


centre integratively superior to the tonic centre. It further 
appears frohi the work of the physiologists that thalamic 
motor centres suffice for the appearance of the submission 

Submission has been shown to occur as a spontaneous and 
apparently pleasant response of very young infants. Though 
submission, like compliance, is probably a learned response, 
it may be distinguished from compliance by the ease and 
pleasantness with which submission response is acquired. 
The comparatively great efficiency with which the submissive 
response is learned seems to be due to the allied character of 
the stimulus, since positive pleasantness is experienced in 
yielding c/i the motor self to allied motor stimuli. Submission 
response is found well established even in overdominant 
children from whom the response of compliance can not be 
directly evoked even by environmental stimuli so intense as 
to be physically injurious. 

If submission is to be evoked from dominant subjects, the 
environmental stimulus in addition to being capable of im- 
pressing its allied character upon the subject must also be 
capable of evoking motor stimuli of perceptibly greater strength 
than the motor self of the subject. Increasing the alliance 
characteristic of the environmental stimulus is found not to 
compensate for insufficient strength of the allied stimulus. 
Too great intensity of the environmental stimulus, even though 
it be actually completely allied with the subjects' interests is 
found to evoke antagonistic motor stimuli within the subject's 

If the subject from whom submission response is to be 
evoked is a human being, the environmental stimulus must 
also be a human being, in order to possess the alliance char- 
acteristic of an adequate submission stimulus. In most cases, 
also, an adequate degree of alliance in the stimulus is obtained 
only when the individual submitted to belongs to the same 
race as the subject and possesses the same or similar bodily 
and social characteristics. Within these limits, however, 
national differences in social culture may serve to imbue 
the person submitted to with a certain spurious superiority of 
strength to the person from whom submission is evoked. 

As far as my own studies of emotional response have pro- 
gressed to date, girls between the ages of five and twenty-five 
appear to express a greater absolute amount of true submission 


response than do males* of corresponding ages. Girls show 
lower thresholds to the submissive type of reaction. Sub- 
mission response seems to be evoked from these girls most 
readily and most extensively by women older or more mature 
than themselves, notably their mothers, teachers, and especi- 
ally selected girl friends. 

Active submission consists of spontaneous readjustments 
and movements of the motor self at the dictation of the motor 
stimulus to submission. Passive submission consists of 
decrease of the strength of the motor self to a sufficient degree 
to permit passive movement of the organism and passive 
readjustment of the motor self by the submission stimulus. 

The measure of decrease of the motor self during sabmission 
response consists of the difference between the initial motor 
self intensity and volume, and the intensity and volume at 
which the motor self can be completely controlled by motor 
stimuli of the strength actually evoked by the adequate 
environmental stimulus to submission response. 

Pleasantness of Submission 

Submission response, according to unanimous introspective 
agreement, is pleasant from beginning to end. Since the 
environmental stimulus is, by definition, in complete alliance 
wich - f he total interests of the subject organism, the adequate 
motor stimulus to submission, once it is aroused, must be 
correspondingly in complete alliance with the motor self. 

There may be an intermediate period, however, before the 
allied character of the environmental stimulus impresses itself 
fully upon the organism, when preliminary, transient motor 
stimuli are aroused, antagonistic to the motor self. These 
preliminary stimuli may cause temporary conflict, with con- 
sequent unpleasantness, before the motor stimulus adequate 
to submission is evoked and the submission type of integration 
is initiated. A child, for instance, may first reply, " I won't 
do it ! " to the mother's command ; then, dominance giving 
way to submission, the child may add, " Oh, yes I will, 
mammy ; ', in repentant tone of voice. The momentary, 
initial flare-up of dominance may be unpleasant, and its 
memory may give a tinge of unpleasantness to the beginning 
of the subsequent submission response, in the form of regret 
for initial disobedience. But once the submission behaviour 


is fully ujider way, without admixtures of dominance or 
compliance, the reaction becomes extremely pleasant. 

Again, it is always necessary to determine whether the 
response is one of true submission, or only one of compliance. 
In the latter case, as when children are required to perform 
various household tasks before being permitted to play, the 
affective tone at its best is one of indifference, and usually 
contains positive unpleasantness. The differential criterion, 
of course, by which one may judge whether submission or 
compliance is being expressed, is the motor attitude of the 
subject toward the task imposed. If the work is regarded as 
" something that has to be done ", even though the subject 
does not " want " to do it, then the motor stimuli controlling 
the situation are antagonistic to the motor self and the re- 
action is one of compliance. This is true, also, if the necessity 
compelling the action is one of hoped-for reward only. In 
such case, there is dominance also in the compound, making 
the total response one of appetite emotion. But if the subject 
11 wants " to do the task imposed, " because mother wants 
me to do it ", then the response is one of submission. If the 
act is performed " to please mother ", there is probably present 
some inducement emotion, and possibly an admixture of 
submission and inducement, making the compound emotion, 
love. But in this case, just as in the case where the response 
is one of fairly unmixed submission, the affective tone is 
strongly and continuously pleasant. .1 

The pleasantness of true submission response, (as exemplified 
in love passion, for instance) may increase continuously from 
its inception to its consummation. Even when the submission 
is not compounded with inducement to form any aspect of 
love emotion, but appears as a unit response by itself, increase 
of pleasantness seems to accompany increase of alliance 
between subject and stimulus. That is to say, pleasantness 
increases pari passu with successful accomplishment of the 
submissive task undertaken at the command of the person to 
whom the subject chooses to submit. The pleasantness 
decreases toward indifference only if the task imposed tends 
to separate the subject from the person submitted to ; in 
which case, bf course, the true submission response itself 
diminishes, or changes its emotional character to that of 
compliance simply because actual perception of the submission 
stimulus is necessary to maintain a pure submission response 


at full strength. So lon^ as any memory or stimulus intimately 
associated with the person originally submitted 'to remains, 
however, some vestige of pleasantness and of the initial sub- 
mission reaction also remain. And under no possible con- 
ditions can true submission be unpleasant. 

Distinctive Conscious Characteristics of Submission Emotion 

Various inexact terms applied to submission emotion, or 
to some complex emotional pattern based principally upon 
submission, may be listed as follows : " willingness ", 
" docility ", " sweetness ", " good nature ", " a good child ", 
" kindness ", " tender-heartedness ", " soft-heartedness ", 
" benevolence ", " generosity ", " being obliging ", " being 
accommodating ", " being considerate ", " gentleness ", 
" meekness ", " obedience ", " slavibhness ", " admiration ", 
" being tractable ", " being manageable ", " being an easy 
mark ", " altruism ", " unselfishness ", " willing service >f , 
" servility ", " slavery ", " being a willing slave ". 

An interesting characteristic of a majority of the terms 
listed is the ob]ectivity with which they describe submission 
behaviour, no matter whether the submission referred to is 
regarded as a character trait or as a type of relationship to 
other people. In cases of both dominance and compliance, 
introspectively derived words like " will " and " rage ", or 
" timidity " and " fear ", seem to be prevalent in popular 
parlance. But submission is a type of conduct which writers 
appear quite willing to describe as an attractive sort of be- 
haviour when performed by someone else, but which they 
rather shrink from acknowledging as a conscious element of 
their own emotional life. When submission is given un- 
reserved endorsement, as by the terms " obliging ", " con- 
siderate ", and " accommodating ", the spontaneous emotional 
enjoyment of submitting to another person is tacitly justified 
or excused by adding a tinge of compliance, or appetite. 
There is a certain suggestion contained in the words " obliging " 
and " accommodating " that the submissive favour is done as 
a habit of action found efficient in procuring appetitive reward. 
Among fifty male subjects recently questioned, only two 
expressed unqualified pleasure in the possibility of being a 
" happy slave " ; that is only two admitted without disguise 
that pure submission emotion was pleasant to them per se. 
(Perhaps the " happy slave " emotion is a compound, con- 


stituting passion, as we shall have occasion to note in the next 
chapter ; but, even so, its controlling element is active 

There is little equivocation, however, in the emotional 
implications of the submission behaviour jointly referred to 
by the popular terms listed above. By submission, in every 
case, is meant a decrease of the self to permit an allied person 
to direct at will, not only the organism apart from the motor self, 
but the motor self, also. Active submission would consist of 
positive selections from among its activities which the motor 
self might be compelled by the submission stimulus to make. 
Passive submission would occur when the motor self volun- 
tarily refrained from one or more of its natural activities 
under compulsion of the submission stimulus. 

Introspective descriptions of submission emotion, mostly 
obtained from girls, though some were male reports, dealing 
with the experiencing of submission during passion, suggest 
the definitive characteristic of submission to be : wanting 
to give the self helplessly, without question, to the dictation of 
another person. This feeling, increasingly pleasant in pro- 
portion as the self is increasingly controlled by the person sub- 
mitted to, constitutes submission emotion. 



DURING the action known as gravitation between large and 
smaller units of matter, it has been suggested that the be- 
haviour of the smaller body might aptly be described as a 
submission to the larger one. It remains to suggest that the 
behaviour of the more massive object, in attracting to itself 
the smaller body, might be characterized as inducement. 
The forces of mutual attraction exerted by each object upon 
the other are, as we have seen, closely allied one with the other. 
The force exerted by the larger body, however, as by the 
earth itself during exercise of its gravitational influence, is 
superior in strength to the attractive force exerted by the 
smaller body, and consequently compels the smaller body's 
own force to move it towards the earth, or larger material 
body. This attraction exercised upon the smaller matter 
unit may be described as inducement since the stronger attrac- 
tive 9 force progressively strengthens itself by compelling the 
weaker attractive force to obey its dictates, while all the time the 
stronger force remains in alliance with the weaker. Induce- 
ment, as a suggested principle of behaviour of inanimate 
objects, bears exactly the same relationship to submission, 
as a similar principle of mutual attraction between physical 
objects, that human or animal inducement bears to human 
or animal submission. Inducement in both cases may be 
thought of as exercising the initiative in that movement 
of the weaker allied body which actually results from the 
simultaneous, allied action of both stronger and weaker 

Inducement Emotion Requires Thalamic Motor Centres 

Like compliance and submission, the inducement response 
probably cannot occur as a primary emotional response 
in animal or human subjects except through the mediation 
of some motor centre integratively superior to the tonic 



centres. Inducement reaction, like Compliance or submission 
responses failed to appear in the decerebrate animals studied 
by the physiologists. All environmental stimuli, as we have 
already noted, appear to evoke antagonistic stimuli only, 
in animal subjects thus prepared. 

Moreover, it seemed impossible to discover an environ- 
mental stimulus that could evoke motor stimuli of superior 
strength to the motor self within the experimental animal's 
depleted central nervous system. Since inducement response 
depends both upon the allied character of the motor stimuli 
evoked, and upon its superiority of strength over the motor 
self, inducement response may be regarded as impossible 
to evoke 'in animals prepared in the manner described by 
Goltz and Sherrington. As in the case of submission response, 
however, inducement will be found to be a necessary con- 
stituent of centrally mediated sex response since spontaneous 
sex response of this type can occur, as we have already noted, 
by way of thalamic motor mechanisms. It would seem 
probable that inducement, like the other primary emotions 
may occur in thalamic motor centres. 

Inducement Appears in Infant Behaviour 

In the love responses listed by Watson as found in the 
behaviour of infants, we discover a number of naive or un- 
learned reactions which may possibly be termed inducement. 
Inducement may consist, at an early age, of spontaneous 
holding out of hands or feet to be tickled. At a somewhat 
later period, apparently, the baby may embrace mother 
or nurse. Holding out of arms toward the person to whom 
the child has been submitting, and certain infant vocal sounds 
which might be interpreted as invitations to continue previous 
petting, may also be listed in this more active category of 
love behaviour. The result of all these infant invitations or 
inducements, if successful, is to cause the mother or attendant 
to move as directed by the infant. No antagonistic com- 
pulsion can, however, be exercised over the adult by the infant 
inducer. The mother in submitting to her child is reacting 
with learned submission, which permits the allied motor 
stimuli evoked by perception of the infant organism to be of 
superior strength to the mother's motor self. The infant's 
earliest inducement responses, therefore, are frequently 
more successful than those attempted at a later age. 


Inducement Is Important Element In Girls' Behaviour" 

Inducement response seems often to appear as a spon- 
taneous type of reaction, in the behaviour of girls from three 
to five years old. In boys of similar age, the reaction may 
also appear spontaneously, according to my own observa- 
tion, in the form of aggressive teasing of attractive little 
girls, or smaller and younger boys. In the case of male 
children, however, initial inducement exercised toward a 
weaker child is minimized, an attempted antagonistic com- 
pulsion of the other's compliance is far more pronounced 
and the whole response is apt to become mixed with and 
controlled by dominance very soon after its initiation, often 
taking the form of torturing weaker children and animals. 
Males, even at a tender age, appear to place little confidence 
in the efficacy of inducement. They lapse readily into at- 
tempted compulsion or domination of other humans, evidently 
failing to distinguish fellow humans, to any great extent, 
from inanimate objects. 

" Playing (at) school " and " playing (at) house ", usually 
with one of the older girls as " teacher " or " mother ", has 
been described in psychological literature as " imitative 
instinct ", or as " play instinct ", expressing itself in imitation 
of the adults whom the children see most frequently. Were 
" imitation " or " play " (whatever that may be) the sole 
explanation of such activities, however, there is no particular 
reason winy mother and teacher should be the chosen roles 
to be impersonated rather than nursemaid, cook, kitchen 
maid, gardener or janitor. In many households the servants 
named are with the children much more frequently than 
are the parents. But in practically all parts of the globe 
where the play of children has been observed, little girls will 
be found enacting the part of mother, or of some sort of 
preceptress toward all those younger children whom she can 
persuade to join in this type of game. It seems fairly clear 
that inducement, in a singularly unmixed form, is the 
response expressed in this type of behaviour. I have noted 
during my own observations of children at play that other 
girls, younger than the " mother " or " teacher " child, 
appear to enjoy this sort of activity much more than do 
little boys of corresponding age, who may also be in the 

The boys are frequently persuaded to play " house " 


or "school/* only with the utmost feluctance. Their choice 
of games usually calls for some sort of contest or more violent 
physical activity expressive primarily of dominance. While 
the " tomboy " type of little girl shares this dominant pre- 
dilection in choice of play activities, to a considerable extent, 
with the boys of her particular group, there exists, also, 
even in her contests with the male children, a considerable 
element of active inducement directed toward winning the 
admiration and esteem of the boys in question. " Tomboys " 
evidently possess more dominance than the average girl, 
with perhaps a normal assignment of female inducement. 
Dominance in such cases is found to be a more efficient method 
of stimulation for the purpose of evoking submission from 
the boys of the group than is inducement exerted directly 
upon male children, under guise of playing house or 

The true inducement character of the controlling emotional 
response in many " tomboys " reveals itself clearly in their 
leadership of other children during adolescence. In one 
case which I had occasion to observe, a girl, who when young 
chose to play boys' games, and engage competitively with 
them in juvenile athletics, became, during adolescence, the 
undisputed leader of the girls in her group at her preparatory 
school, and later in college. Her leadership expressed itself 
in various types of appetitive, or dominant, and compliant 
activities, not limited by any means to athletics. ><She was 
editor of her school paper, president of her class, leading lady 
in school dramatics, and later president of her class in college. 
She became one of a very small number of undergraduates 
representing the student body in the governing council of 
the college. So far as I know, A.B. never turned any of her 
successes into financial or other appetitive advantage for 
herself, as many American students do even though blessed 
with parents of high social and financial standing. A.B., 
according to my own observations, obtained, first of all, a 
dominant satisfaction from her success in competitive activ- 
ities of all sorts, physical and social. But this dominance 
response appeared always to be controlled by inducement, 
since the ultimate accomplishment almost invariably took 
the form of gaining leadership or directorship over other 
persons of less strength who were at the same time willing 
and desirous of being thus directed. 


Males' Inducement* Is Controlled by Dominance and 

Male inducement which often begins, as already noted, 
in a mildly sadistic attitude toward weaker children, seems 
to become subordinated during later adolescence to the 
outright control of dominance. The element of submission, 
as we shall have occasion to observe in the next chapter, 
is essential to the compound emotion captivation. And 
captivation is an essential constituent of sadistic teasing 
or torturing of weaker human beings or animals. During 
later male adolescence it would appear that a certain separa- 
tion occurs, in most cases, between active inducement and 
passive submission, with inducement tending to become 
transferred out of the love compound altogether, taking 
its place under control of appetite emotion. Captivation, 
of course, may continue as a separate type of sex behaviour, 
but this does not prevent inducement, also, being used to 
assist dominance and appetite. 

Behaviour indicating this gradual male transfer of induce- 
ment under appetitive control may be reviewed briefly as 
follows : The so-called " cruelty " which young boys express 
toward one another has been commented iipon repeatedly 
both in psychological and literary writings. A boy who has 
any outstanding peculiarity or weakness almost invariably 
becomes a butt lor the jokes and attacks of his companions. 
One instance which was brought to my attention by the 
principal of a school in which we were making a mental 
health survey, concerned a boy with a deformity of the right 
leg which rendered this limb some three of four inches shorter 
than the left. The child had recently undergone an operation 
which was unsuccessful. After the operation he wore a 
shoe on the right foot with an extra thick sole sufficient to 
compensate for the shortening of his right leg. 

The other boys of the school (eight to twelve years old) 
immediately began to call him " club foot ". The deformed 
boy, Harry, who had undergone considerable suffering, 
physical and emotional, in connection with the operation, 
was peculiarly 'sensitive to the taunts of his former friends. 
He could no longer run away from them successfully, and 
when he failed to escape after trying to run away, the older 
boys chased him and formed a daily hab't of gathering around 
him and teasing him in various ways not physically injurious 


but ingcnic usly devised to give Ha A ry as much emotional 
unpleasantness as possible. I was able to question three or 
four of the boys who had just teased Harry. I discovered 
that they had not the slightest attitude of ill will toward 
the child. In fact, one or two of the boys appeared to like 
Harry better than most of their other play fellows, and all 
the boys questioned except one, expressed pity and regret 
for Harry's deformity. When asked why, when they felt 
this way toward Harry, they should consistently make life 
miserable for him by tormenting him, one or two of the boys 
replied : " I don't know. I can't help it. It's fun to chase 
him and make him cry, but after that you don't feel so good. 
Feel kind 'of sorry for him." Another boy said that he 
thought Harry was " yellow " for running away, and that 
it was his own fault if the boys " picked on him ". A third 
boy said it was " sort of exciting to tease Harry ". But he 
pointed out that they teased other boys just as much at 
other times, only " the other boys don't take it so hard ". 

This rather ordinary instance of a group of young males 
teasing and tormenting a weaker companion may very readily 
be seen to depend, primarily, upon inducement, partially 
compounded with submission into captivation emotion (see 
next chapter), but controlled by dominance. Harry repre- 
sented, at first, an allied or friendly environmental stimulus, 
weaker than the other boys. This made Harry, under* our 
suggested definition, an adequate environmental .stimulus 
for evoking active inducement response from his stronger 
companions. When, however, Harry began to cry and to 
run away, his alliance with the other boys was to a con- 
siderable extent severed, in their minds. He then repre- 
sented a weaker boy than themselves who would not submit 
to their mixed dominance and inducement. This made 
Harry an antagonistic stimulus, weaker than the boys who 
were reacting toward him. Immediately the antagonism 
of the stronger boys was increased to the extent where domi- 
nance completely controlled their conduct toward Harry 
Yet they still felt an undercurrent of friendliness and interest 
in him, evoking from them some continuance of the induce- 
ment purpose of making him submit to them. In this situa- 
tion, inducement was adapted to and controlled by dominance. 
And Harry suffered accordingly. 

Another instance of boys' behaviour which came to my 


attention may be cited to show the difference in thl responses 
evoked from the stronger group of boys when tJ/e boy being 
teased elects to submit to his tormentors. In this case it 
was the school custom to " initiate " any new boy by subjecting 
him to such physical punishments and torments as the older 
boys of the school might devise to suit the occasion. Several 
boys, new to the school, had received cuts, bruises, and other 
minor injuries, as well as having had their clothes badly torn 
and soiled, in the process of this " initiation ". All the boys 
thus hurt had resisted to a greater or lesser extent the treat- 
ment meted out to them. However, during the initiation, 
which I was able to observe without my presence in any way 
interfering with the behaviour of the boys, the new boy showed 
a remarkable willingness to undergo whatever was meted 
out to him. I learned, afterward, that he had been informed 
by a friend at the school of the treatment he might expect, 
and had been advised " not to run away from it ". This boy, 
therefore, showed no desire to get away, nor did he try to evade 
the commands of the leaders among his " initiators ". As 
a result, apparently, of this attitude, 1 heard several of the 
older boys remark to each other " He's not afraid of any- 
thing ", " He's a good kid ", " He is all right, let him off ", 
" That's enough for him ". After putting this boy through only 
two comparatively mild stunts, he was released and welcomed 
with Enthusiasm as a fully initiated member of the school. 

The pcftnt seemed to be that the dominance of the older 
boys out-weighed their inducement emotion at the very begin- 
ning of the affair. When, therefore, the object of their attack 
failed to show the slightest resistance or antagonism in return, 
a good part of this initial dominance died out for lack of 
stimulus. Only the inducement increment remained in their 
subjection of the new boy, and this inducement (compounded, 
it must be remembered with submission, into a dilute cap- 
tivation emotion) was not sufficiently extensive to carry on the 
initiation very long after dominance had subsided. One or 
two successfully evoked submission responses on the part of 
the new boy were sufficient to satisfy the inducement emotion 
of this entire group of young males. In short, we might 
conclude that inducement is not a sufficiently well developed 
emotion in the average adolescent male to control any con- 
siderable portion of his behaviour when it is completely 
divorced from dominance. 


McJe Organism Not Suited to induce Other Males 

It is frequently reported that homosexual relations are 
prevalent in that type of boys' school called a " public school " 
in England, and a " private school " in the United States. 
I have had occasion to observe one or two such relationships. 
In the cases which have come to my attention an older, 
stronger boy has compelled a young and much weaker boy to 
give him erotic pleasure, as well as to perform many other 
services of an appetitive nature for the benefit of the older 
youth. In such cases as these, the emotional response of 
inducement on the part of the older boy wins for him a greater 
total amount of pleasantness, both appetitive and erotic, than 
that which can be obtained from mere teasing and torturing 
of younger boys. Moreover, the younger boy's combined 
submission and inducement attain for him a certain amount 
of freedom from being made the object of dominance response. 
The older boy in these affairs usually protects and favours, 
in various ways, the boy who submits to him. Frequently 
he not only refrains from hazing or tormenting the younger 
boy, but also prevents other boys from doing so. In this type 
of behaviour, therefore, we may see a certain amount of 
inducement expressed by a male subject free from control of 

The limitation to such relationships seems to be a phy- 
siological one. Since neither the body nor the emotional 
development of the younger boy is suited to act as ah effective 
stimulus to the passion of the stronger youth, the dominance 
of the younger boy yielding to dominance of the older boy 
becomes a matter of compliance by the weaker one rather 
than submission. The older boy as environmental stimulus, 
in short, evokes motor stimuli stronger than the motor self 
of his companion, but, for the most part, antagonistic to it. 
Thus, the stronger youth becomes an adequate stimulus to 
compliance but not to submission. The younger boy yields, 
not because he enjoys the relationship as such, but because 
it seems to be to his appetitive advantage. The compliance 
of the weaker boy, in turn, makes itself felt by the would-be 
inducer, and the inducement fails to produce sufficient pleas- 
antness to be long continued. 

From this sort ot relationship, however, both boys frequently 
emerge with an unusually complete appetitive development, 
and with a transfer of inducement into adaptation to, and 


control by appetite. In fcther words, the older boy Jjfas learned 
that he can use inducement to obtain services ayd pleasures 
which would otherwise be beyond his reach. The younger 
boy, also, has been taught that by a compound response made 
up of inducement and submission expressed toward a stronger 
companion, he can obtain protection, gifts, and perhaps 
advancement in school activities of various sorts. In the cases 
I have studied, at least, both boys entering into such a relation- 
ship, tend thereafter to use the primary emotional response 
of inducement not for its own sake nor for the completion 
of a true love response, but rather as first aid in furthering 
the ends of active and passive appetite or both. This use of 
inducement, as we shall have occasion later to observe, con- 
stitutes one of the most unfortunate of personality develop- 

Normal Adult Male Transfers Inducement From Sadism to 


The element of inducement in males who have not had 
experiences of homosexual type, nevertheless, tends to follow 
a somewhat similar course of development. The behaviour 
called " cruelty " toward other males continues to be expressed 
in some degree throughout adult life. Business men, as well 
as men engaged in professional and academic life, appear to 
obtaia a certain emotional pleasure by means of imposing 
hardships^ and minor torments upon other males who come 
under their authority. And this same type of pleasure is still 
more obviously manifested when failure of another man is 
reported, even though this individual is in no sense a rival. 
Criticisms or attacks made upon another male appear to be 
enjoyed without restraint by most men, and it would appear 
that the dominant or appetitive satisfaction in disposing of a 
rival fails to account satisfactorily for the entire response. 
There exists, in addition, a certain emotional gratification 
(captivation emotion) in the thought that the person attacked 
is thereby subjected to the subject himself as well as to all 
other persons who witness the attack. 

With the normal and fairly successful business man, how- 
ever, these occasional enjoyments of perverted inducement 
response must be strictly limited to those occasions when the 
subject's own appetitive interests can not be injured by 
indulging in enjoyment of the other person's enforced subjec- 


tioh. During late adolescence there'is indication that domin- 
ance, compjiance and their appetitive combinations develop 
very rapidly with male subjects, until appetite may be said 
to exercise undisputed control over the average male's emo- 
tional responses. With this maturing appetite comes the 
suppression and limitation of inducement expressed in force- 
fully bullying and injuring other males. The youth begins to 
discover that he cannot afford to alienate other males who may 
later serve his interests in one way or another, no matter how 
insignificant these persons may seem at the time when he 
has an opportunity to subject them injuriously in some way. 
For instance, one boy may successfully dominate another 
lad of the same group during athletic competition or com- 
petitive seeking of the same class office or scholastic prize. 
The natural tendency of the male following such successes 
seems to consist of an expression of open triumph over the 
rival, with perhaps a certain patronizing condescension 
expressive of the defeated one's subjection to the superior 
strength of the more successful boy. The triumphant boy 
does not regard this defeated rival as an enemy or antagonist. 
In fact, the whole pleasure of the inducement response would 
be turned to indifference were the other boy regarded as a real 
antagonist. To enjoy this type of victory to the full, the 
defeated male must still be thought of as a friend, though a 
friend of inferior strength and position. It soon transpires, 
however, that the defeated boy has reacted to the openly 
expressed superiority of the successful youth by becoming a 
real enemy. Perhaps, at a subsequent election of class officers 
or in the course of academic relationships, if the two boys are 
taking the same courses, an occasion arises where the formerly 
successful youth needs the support of the boy whom he has 
been treating as an inferior. He finds this support is not 
forthcoming. The formerly defeated youth now responds 
with dominance to the previously controlling dominance in 
the other boy's behaviour and the formerly triumphant youth 
suffers accordingly. I studied several instances of this type, 
and found that in these instances only a few such experiences 
were necessary to lead to a splitting off of inducement from 
open dominance, and the initiation of a new pattern of 
behaviour in which inducement was used to further the ends 
of appetite instead of thwarting them. In other words, 
instead of giving free rein to the pleasantness of injurious 


subjection of other boys* the subject quickly leanafed to use 
inducement to acquire and regain their appetitive assistance 
and service. ' 

Inducement in Business 

This system of emotional organization, wherein inducement 
is used as first assistant to active appetite, forms what may be 
called the extensor muscle of modern business. Selling goods 
is a clear cut example of this type of composite emotional 
response. The salesman not only stimulates the appetitive 
mechanisms of his prospective customers by impressing upon 
the buyer the financial advantage which these particular 
goods hold for him, but he also uses a considerable amount 
of " personal appeal " to the buyer. That is to say, the 
salesman endeavours to impress the buyer with his own 
qualities as a good fellow and reliable person. And if the 
prospective customer allows himself to become sympathetic 
the salesman may even make an open statement of his own 
personal needs and desires in winning the patronage of the 
merchant to whom he is talking. All this consists of rather 
clear-cut, active inducement behaviour, on the part of the 
salesman. In itself such behaviour has no connection what- 
ever with the intrinsic merit or usefulness of the goods to be 
sold. Yet, no business man to-day doubts the importance of 
stfch .inducement technique in effecting sales. 

Even pointed advertisements which do not, of course, enable 
the seller to appear personally before the buyer, contain as 
large an element of inducement as it is possible to convey 
with the help of words, pictures and suggestions of both form 
and colour. Pretty girls are depicted extending the article 
to be sold invitingly toward the reader of the advertisement. 
The concern manufacturing the product advertised is sym- 
bolized as the family's best friend, or as the generous saviour 
of humanity in distress. Another form of what might be 
called substituted inducement, commonly found in advertise- 
ments, is the attempted identification of the advertiser with 
some member of the prospective customer's family, who is 
represented as inducing the reader of the advertisement to 
buy the product advertised. For instance, a picture of a baby 
may be shown with the heading : " Bring happiness to your 
child, buy this cuddly, dimpled baby doll ! " Or a picture 
of two attractive children sharing a bottle of soft drink, may 


be displaced with the legend : " Ket your children enjoy 
these taste-.tempting drinks ". 

In nearly** all selling methods of modern business some 
element of inducement can be found directly or indirectly 
expressed, over and above the appetitive appeal contained in 
descriptions of the intrinsic values and delights of the goods 
themselves. This use of inducement response as a servant of 
appetite emotion tends to be learned by the average male 
about the time of sexual maturity. Thereafter, he limits 
more and more the use of inducement in enjoyment of the 
captivation of other males, and extends its use further and 
further for the purpose of procuring appetitive benefits from 
other people of both sexes. 

Confusions Between Inducement and Dominance 

The behaviour just considered, which might aptly be styled 
the evolution of male inducement, serves only to illustrate the 
tendency which all males exhibit, at times, to confuse and 
intermingle dominance and inducement responses. The 
integrative element which is identical in dominance and induce- 
ment is the superiority of the motor self over the strength of the 
motor stimulus. The integrative difference between the two 
responses consists in the fact that an adequate stimulus to domin- 
ance emotion is antagonistic to the motor self while adequate 
motor stimulus to inducement must remain in alliance wi*h trie 
motor self. 

If there appears to be the slightest doubt as to whether the 
person who constitutes the environmental stimulus is willing 
to accept the role of inferiority to the subject, then the average 
male organism immediately tends to react to the individual in 
question as to an antagonistic stimulus. The " boot-licking, " 
or utterly servile attitude which male underlings of great men 
so frequently find it necessary to adopt, in order to retain 
their positions, furnishes dependable evidence of the tendency 
just referred to. If the assistant or employee inadvertently 
manifested, at any time, behaviour which impressed his chief 
with a possible superiority of strength on the part of the 
supposedly inferior male, the employer would feel immediate 
necessity for reducing his employee's strength to a level 
obviously lower than his own. This emotional purpose, again, 
is a common one both to dominance and to inducement 
responses ; but since dominance is the prevailing male 



emotion, the employer almost invariably seeks to /educe his 
subordinate's strength by action antagonistic to the other 
man's interests. He may reprimand him before others, 
decrease his pay, or discharge him. I have observed many 
instances of each of these methods used by males in authority 
to reduce the strength of a subordinate. 

Nor are such methods limited to business or other appetitive 
relationships where there may be, in most cases, some actual 
opposition of interests between chief and subordinate. In 
the home, a wife or son may be " put in their place " by this 
method. Deliberately cutting and insulting remarks may 
be addressed to the wife. A son who shows any tendency to 
dispute the superiority of a " successful " father is 1 likely to 
receive more definitely injurious treatment. Physical abuse, 
cutting off a son's allowance or privileges, or even (in one 
actual case) causing the son's arrest and sentence in juvenile 
court, may be u<ed as methods of reducing the " uppishncss " 
of the boy. All these courses of action are dominant and not 
inductive methods of reducing the strength of the person 
regarded as inferior to the subject, since all these methods 
of treatment disregard utterly the interests and well being of 
the person thus treated. 

Were inducement the prevailing response, the actions of 
the father, or person in authority must have been kept in 
complete alliance with the welfare and happiness of the persons 
subjected. Had this been done, and true inducement actually 
exercised, the inferior persons must have been induced volun- 
tarily to reduce their own strength to a required degree, in 
order to accept completely the control of the inducer. Most 
males, who appear to possess very meagre development of 
inducement emotion in pure form, would regard such a task 
as utterly impossible. An average male is prone to remark 
" the only way to show the boy his place is to beat him within 
an inch of his life ". Often the sentiment expressed is more 
violent than the action which follows, but the two are usually 
similar in nature. Whenever another person's strength is to 
be reduced to a level inferior to a man's own, the person is 
treated as an opponent and dominance takes the place of 
inducement in nine cases out of ten. 

Girls Express Inducement Not Mixed With Appetite 
The. development of inducement response in girls and women 


is quite different from that of males. All girls from three to five 
years of age jiot infrequently manifest a startlingly sophisti- 
cated inducement technique. In one case, at least, which I 
had occasion to study, males were unmistakably preferred to 
women as objects of inducement. Yet the little girl, Patricia, 
also exercised inducement toward her mother, aunt, and also 
toward girls younger than herself. For a period of about 
three years, inducement appeared, in fact, to be the con- 
trolling response in this child's behaviour pattern. Patricia 
sought systematically to induce people to watch her antics 
and to think highly of her. This inducement did not seem to 
be coupled with overt eroticism, nor on the other hand, did 
inducement appear to be complicated by appetitive cravings 
or desires. The child seemed solely intent upon establishing 
her superiority over those people who attracted her, while 
simultaneously seeking a more intimate an-1 friendly relation- 
ship with them. 

In other cases studied, female children of similar age showed 
marked inducement response coupled with and apparently 
springing from sexual precocity. In girls of this age, and 
girls between this age and adolescence, inducement seems 
frequently compounded into an admirably organized love 
response, expressed in taking care of babies and younger 
children. Detailed consideration of this love behaviour may 
be reserved until a later chapter. Our attention may be called 
to it at this point as an indubitable expression of active induce- 
ment in a pure or natural form, not perverted by admixture 
with appetite. 

Forced Use of Inducement for Appetite by Women 

Women have been regarded conventionally, for thousands 
of years, as the weaker sex. This almost universally recog- 
nized concept of woman's weakness has included not only 
physical inferiority, but also a weakness in emotional power in 
relationships with males. No concept of woman's emotional 
status could be more completely erroneous. Woman actually 
is inferior to man at the present time, on the average, in 
her dominance development ; but since real relationships, 
other than those of business, depend upon inducement and 
love responses and technique, rather than upon dominant 
and appetitive reactions, there seems little reason to doubt 
that women, as a sex, are many times better equipped tg 


assume emotional leadership than are males. As a matter 
of fact, women have always exercised this emotional leadership 
by controlling, to a considerable extent, the home life and the 
education of children. But they have been controlled, in 
turn, in exercising these functions by the dominant and 
appetitive compulsions exerted upon them by a predominantly 
male civilization. 

The situation in which women have found themselves, 
while being kept in a status of dominantly enforced weakness, 
has had the effect of compelling them to use inducement 
(and submission, also) as a means of obtaining appetitive 
benefits and protections. Men, by controlling social customs 
and usages, have forced their own perverted use of inducement 
as a servant of appetite upon the females of the race, whose 
native emotional equipment does not appear to tend toward 
such a development if, and when, the female herself is freed 
from appetitive compulsion. If the source of food and appeti- 
tive supply of all sorts is in the hands of persons possessing 
superior strength and reacting with prevailing dominance, 
two options only are open to weaker members of the race. 
The weak ones may obtain supplies by using their love re- 
sponses to serve their appetite, or they may perish from 
appetitive weakness. A majority of women have learned to 
follow the first of these two courses of conduct. The most 
optimistic emotional feature of modern civilization seems to 
be that we men are now beginning to escape both horns of this 
dilemma by increasing their own appetitive powers. They 
are nearing the point where they will be able to provide for 
themselves quite as well as men can provide for them. When 
the female sex, as a whole, has arrived at this appetitive 
equality, it would seem probable that their inducement re- 
sponses will be pretty much freed from appetitive control. 

Women's Inducement Conditioned on Males by Appetitive 

An interesting line of demarcation has grown up in the 
behaviour of women compelled to depend upon inducement 
for appetitive reward. The inducement responses of such 
women have become conditioned, apparently, upon men, to a 
very much greater extent than upon other women. Since it 
has been a male or males toward whom women subjects must 
exercise inducement in order to be fed and clothed, and since 


the men from whom appetitive supplies are to be obtained 
have not been subject, in the main, to dominant conquest by 
women, the Woman's inducement responses toward males 
have not been mingled or confused to any great extent by 
admixture of dominance. In short, if money or sustenance 
must be obtained from a physically stronger male, pure in- 
ducement response must be expressed by the woman who seeks 
his assistance, free from all suggestion of dominance. If 
dominance is allowed to creep into the woman's attitude 
toward such a male, at any point, the reward will not be 
forthcoming. This seems to have had the effect of making 
the inducement technique which women employ in attaining 
support from men much more clear-cut inducement behaviour 
than men are able to express toward other males. 

Women Inducing Males for Appetitive Supply are 
Business Rivals 

On the other hand, women who depend solely for their 
supply upon success of inducements directed toward males 
inevitably regard all other women similarly engaged as actual 
or prospective rivals. If the other woman succeeds in per- 
sauding Mr. Z. to support her, then Mr. Z is not likely to 
support the rival female inducer. Even if Mr. Z. were willing 
to yield to the inducements of both women, he is likely to 
spend less money upon both than he would spend upon 
either one alone. Women inducers find themselves in the 
same relationship to other women inducers that one auto- 
mobile salesman occupies with respect to another automobile 
salesman who is after the same customer of moderate means. 

The result of this situation seems to have been the growth 
of " society ", or " social " competition between women, 
wherein each woman treats her rivals with very much the 
same mixture of inducement and dominance that men exercise 
toward one another. Women's taboo upon " fallen women ", 
or women of inferior social standing, seems to represent the 
same prevailing dominance response that a male employer 
or bureau chief exerts over his male employees. Moreover, 
the outcast or socially snubbed female is supposed to retain 
the same friendly attitude toward the more dominant member 
of her sex that the humiliated male underling is required to 
maintain toward his appetitive superior. This expected 
attitude of submission is not, of course, evoked in either 


case. Dominance may compel an unpleasant type of com- 
pliance response, but true submission responds only to in- 
ducement. Social dominance between wom^h, with its 
thin, transparent disguise of inducement, is the less excusable 
because the dominance power expressed is borrowed power, 
originally obtained from males by the use of real inducement. 

Except in Social Rivalry, Girls Express Pure Inducement 
Toward Other Girls 

In contrast to the " society " type of situation, however, 
I have found that nearly all girls and women who are not 
engaged too extremely in social rivalry express genuine induce- 
ment and love toward their girl friends, women' relatives, 
or, very frequently, toward destitute or otherwise unfortunate 
persons of both sexes. These female responses may be 
discussed more fully after we have considered the combining 
of inducement and submission into completed love response. 

I have recently observed one instance, however, worth 
mentioning at this point. A college girl, about twenty 
years of age, listed as her chief emotional interest her com- 
panionship with a girl friend. I had occasion to observe 
this young woman for a period of several months, and could 
discover no indication that a complete love or sex relation- 
ship existed between Miss D. and her friend. Miss D., however, 
devoted a great deal of time and attention to pleasing Miss 
F. Miss*D., for instance, threw away a hat which Miss F. 
disliked. She also joined a group of young people whom she 
did not care for, in order to be with Miss F. Yet Miss D. 
was unmistakably the leader in her relationship with the 
other girl. Miss F. submitted to requests of Miss D. which 
were virtually commands, and even chose her courses in 
college under Miss D.'s direction (although Miss F. was the 
better student). There seemed to be an absence of passion 
between the girls, in this case, which deprived the relation- 
ship of a mature love character, and likewise prevented it 
from resulting in any physical union. As nearly as I could 
determine, Miss D.'s one desire was to exercise affectionate 
leadership over Miss F. ; while Miss F. accepted this leadership 
by responding with very evident active submission. (It 
is possible that Miss F. experienced some passion in this 
role, but if so it apparently had no counter effect upon Miss D.) 

Miss D.'s conduct seems to constitute a clear cut example 


of inducement for its own sake, ahd illustrates rather well 
the difference between the pure inducement response, which 
seems to be a natural product of the female organism, and 
the mixture of inducement and dominance customarily 
expressed by males. When Miss F.'s tasks or interests lay 
in a direction divergent from those of Miss D., for the moment, 
Miss D. found nothing more pleasant than keeping her own 
behaviour in alliance with her friend's. Miss D. did not com- 
ply, for she felt herself to be the leader over Miss F. at all 
times, so far as I could discover ; nor did it occur to Miss D. 
to treat the other girl as an antagonist, or opponent, and to 
attempt to compel her to change her existing tendencies and 
interests/ Miss D. simply maintained her previous close 
personal alliance with Miss F., while at the same time she 
expressed in this alliance her own superior strength. A hat, 
or a group of indifferent people, were not weighed in the 
balance against the pleasure Miss D. derived from Miss F.'s 
society. These obstacles were swept aside, or were used 
merely as methods of allying herself with the friend whom she 
wished to induce. As a result, the friend, Miss F., accepted 
Miss D.'s companionable relationship even more completely 
than before ; eventually voluntarily adopting Miss D.'s 
opinion regarding the social group of whose activities Miss 
D. did not approve. This example of the behaviour of a 
sexually mature young woman toward a girl friend seems "to 
consist of nearly pure inducement, with very little Admixture 
of other primary emotional responses. 

Characteristics of Adequate Stimulus to Inducement 

Nearly all the examples already mentioned serve to point 
the necessity for the reagent to remain in close alliance with 
the stimulus, if the response is to be one of inducement rather 
than dominance. But what of the stimulus to inducement ? 
We have noted that an environmental stimulus in order to 
evoke inducement response must be considered by male 
subjects to be of markedly inferior strength to the subject, 
as well as allied in nature. In the case of submission response 
the emphasis, so far as adequacy of stimulus was concerned, 
seemed to be upon the allied characteristic. Varying 
degrees of stimulus strength served, for the most part, to 
determine whether the response would be of submission or 
of inducement. In the present chapter, we have noted 


that males appear to substitute dominance for inducement 
whenever a stimulus person whom they consider less powerful 
than themselves shows any tendency to increase his strength 
toward an equality with that of the subject. If we analyse 
this behaviour with a view to determining the nature of an 
adequate environmental stimulus to inducement, we discover 
that in the case of males, at least, the margin of difference 
between the strength of the inferior stimulus and the strength 
of the subject himself must be a wide one if inducement is 
to be evoked. So far as I have been able to observe, there 
is no minimal threshold of strength or intensity beneath 
which an allied stimulus will cease to evoke inducement. 
That is to say, though an allied stimulus must impress itself 
upon a male subject as being very much weaker than himself 
in order to evoke inducement response, it is not likely to 
cease to evoke inducement no matter how weak it may be- 
come, provided it has once secured the attention of the 

Male Inducement Threshold Varies With State of 
Appetitive Responses 

The margin of inferiority which an environmental stimulus 
must maintain in order to evoke motor stimuli of inferior 
intensity to the male's motor self will depend more upon the 
^subject's own condition of appetite, desire, or satisfaction, 
than upon the intrinsic strength which the stimulus person 
exhibits. Since dominance is the prevailing primary emotion 
in males, a comparison is likely to be made by the subject 
between himself and the entire stimulus situation of which 
the inferior person is a part, rather than between the subject 
and the inferior person per se. If a man has been appetitively 
successful, and is in what is known as a " good humour ", 
then he is already in a state of consciousness where he feels 
that he has demonstrated the superiority of his strength 
over that of his environment. In such a mood, a lesser 
degree of servility is usually required from his underlings 
in order to satisfy him that the employees are less powerful 
than himself. 

Men, as a rule, appear to make very little distinction between 
persons and things. The employees, or underlings, therefore, 
tend to be lumped in with the inanimate units of environment, 
and the subject's attitude toward these inanimate elements 


tends to be inclusive of the human beings who regularly 
form part of that environment. On the other hand, when- 
ever a man Iras met defeat, or is in a state of unsatisfied 
desire, he usually tries to satisfy the dominant element in his 
unsatisfied desire by dominating all persons as well as in- 
animate objects weaker than himself, unless their inferiority 
and alliance with his own interests are overwhelmingly 
apparent. It is in states of unsatisfied desire that men 
kick the dog, meet their wife's advances with scathing re- 
jections, order the children sharply to bed, and berate the 
servants and other employees without other excuse than the 
subject's own ill temper. Extreme servility (that is, ex- 
aggerated inferiority of strength) together with unusually 
successful service in supplying articles most pleasing to the 
man at that moment, may possibly succeed in eliciting a 
brief and rather perfunctory inducement response. He may 
be led to remark to his wife : " Very good cigars, Alice. I 
wish you'd buy some more for me ". Or, to an employee : 
11 Well done, Jones, if you can do that again, I think it would 
be good business ". Beyond such fragmentary inducement 
response?, however, no stimulus, no matter how closely 
allied, or no matter how obviously inferior it may be to the 
subject himself, has the power to evoke further inducement. 

When Inducement Serves Appetite, Inducement Threshold 
is Low 

When appetite emotion is the initial and basic response, 
with inducement playing the minor role of a mechanism 
whereby the appetitive need is to be accomplished, the 
adequacy of the environmental stimulus to evoke the total 
response pattern depends not upon the integrative mechanism 
of inducement, but rather upon the adequacy of the environ- 
mental stimulus to evoke appetitive emotion. Inducement, 
in such cases, is initiated as a form of compliance ; yet in- 
ducement response must follow its own proper course if it 
is to be successful in accomplishing the appetitive result. 
Whatever aspect or attribute of the stimulus person, there- 
fore, can possibly be interpreted as allied with and weaker 
than the subject tends to evoke motor stimuli appropriate 
to inducement. This situation represents an opposite ex- 
treme of inducement stimulus to that just considered. In 
the former instance., a man in a state of unsatisfied desire 


requires for an inducen^ent stimulus extreme subservience, 
and perfect alliance with his own interests. In the case now 
under consideration, the slightest suggestion , of possible 
alliance of interests, together with a mere possibility of 
inferiority of strength at one point only, will be sufficient to 
evoke an extremely active and prolonged inducement response. 

For example, a woman may be dependent for her own living 
and for that of their children upon a husband whose parsimony 
is well known and frequently demonstrated. Yet under the 
irresistible drive of appetitive desire, such a wife may exercise 
inducement toward her husband for days, or even weeks, in 
order to obtain the desired supply. In thus exerting induce- 
ment toward an obviously inadequate environmental stimulus, 
the wife is compelled to select, and to dwell upon whatever 
interests and tastes she and her husband may have in common, 
and to select the few responsive points which experience has 
shown to exist in his submission response mechanism. Atten- 
tion must be focusscd continuously upon these slight stimuli 
to inducement in order to prolong the wife's inducement 
response sufficiently to ofler an}' hope of success in obtaining 
her desire. These inducement stimuli, slight as they are, 
however, are absolutely essential to the evoking of true 
inducement response, which alone is able to serve the woman's 
appetitive desire. If no such stimuli are to be found, or if 
the wife's attention is not kept continuously upon the more 
or less if adequate stimuli mentioned, her behaviour will at 
once lose its inducement character, and will impress itself 
upon the niggardly husband as a dominant drive against his 
money. The man's response to this stimulus will render him 
more than ever antagonistic to her dearest interests. The 
mere form of inducement will not do, if the wife's purpose 
is to be accomplished. For this reason, the use of inducement 
as a servant of appetite produces a situation wherein environ- 
mental stimuli only slightly allied with the subject and 
slightly, if at all, inferior to the strength of the subject, become 
adequate to inducement response. 

The situation outlined leads to a consideration of a sort of 
border-line group of stimuli, where it is difficult to tell whether 
the initial appeal to which the subject is responding is that of 
antagonism or alliance. With subjects of both sexes, there 
is a tendency to regard a member of the opposite sex who 
appears difficult to subdue by inducement as an opponent 


to the supremacy of the subject as <in expert inducer. Thus 
the stimulus person may arouse a response of inducement for 
the very reason that he constitutes an obstacle or opponent, 
to the subject from whom the inducement is evoked. This 
means that the stimulus person originally evokes dominance 
response from the subject, and that dominance response is 
immediately compelled to utilize inducement behaviour, as 
the subject organism has learned to do, in order to accomplish 
its dominant purpose. 

Thus a college youth frequently employed excellently 
devised inducement behaviour toward girls who were popular 
with other men, solely for the purpose of proving that the girl 
in question was no exception to the alleged rule that all women 
became easy victims to his charm. The inducement emotion 
seemed to be pure inducement during the time that he was 
attempting to captivate the young woman selected. He 
exerted no dominance toward her so far as I could observe, 
nor, on the other hand, was his inducement mingled to any 
extent with submission to produce real love emotion. Yet 
once the object of the inducement behaviour was accomplished, 
and the girl was willing to accept A.'s attentions, the boy's 
emotional attitude became an obviously dominant one. This 
consciousness of success contained, frequently, alternate and 
mingled elements of inducement, with dominance prevailing. 
I have also observed many instances of unusually love aggres- 
sive girls who sought to induce popular young men io bestow 
favourable regard upon them, seemingly for the purpose of 
removing the youth in question as an obstacle to the girl's 
complete supremacy over the opposite sex. 

Resistance May Evoke Pure Inducement 

On just the other side of the line, however, I have observed 
instances of feminine inducement evoked directly by a stimulus 
person who was not regarded as an antagonist at any time 
during the relationship. In one case, at least, attractive 
males always seemed to evoke real inducement response from a 
girl subject, pretty much in proportion to the indifference 
which they expressed toward her. So far as I could discover, 
this girl did not regard an indifferent man as antagonistic, 
but rather as an allied stimulus person whose strength she 
felt to be inferior to her own. The fact that the man himself 
expressed indifference toward her impressed itself upon her 


apparently as an ade<$uate stimulus to reduce his inferior 
power to a level where it should be easily manageable by her 
own. The line of demarcation at this point, ^between pure 
inducement response and mingled inducement and dominance, 
is very fine, but can usually be drawn clearly enough by a 
detailed study of the case. 

With subjects, especially girls, whose inducement emotion 
is highly developed, true inducement may nearly always be 
evoked by an attractive person of the opposite sex who mani- 
fests complete indifference toward the subject. The subject's 
strong inducement development, in such cases, evidently con- 
sists of an unusually low threshold of motor self reinforcement 
in response to allied motor stimuli. The indifference of the 
environmental stimulus person serves to evoke a volume of 
allied motor stimuli corresponding in strength to the indiffer- 
ence expressed toward the subject by the stimulus person. 
The motor self, with its low reinforcement threshold to stimuli 
of this type, is thereupon stimulated to rapid and extensive 
reinforcement, thus producing an inducement response of 
corresponding strength. The indifference of the stimulus 
person, therefore, is seen as determining the volume or quantity 
of the inducement response which it evokes, rather than exercis- 
ing any peculiar potency in evoking inducement in the first 

The type of subject just analysed, who responds with true 
inducement to an attractive though indifferent stimulus 
person, tends to respond with inducement to any person who 
is sufficiently attractive, that is, closely allied to the subject's 
standards and tastes. Such a subject is always susceptible 
to inducement stimuli, in short ; only in cases where the 
stimulus person is very easily induced to submit, the strength 
of inducement response evoked is not so great and, therefore, 
the whole response is less noticeable. 

Measure of Motor Self Inducement Increase 

Incidentally, we might draw the conclusion, from this type 
of inducement response, that the measure of increase of the 
motor self during inducement response is the difference between 
the existing strength of the motor self and that strength which is 
required to replace the stimulus person completely under the 
control of the subject. 


Girls More Closely Allied to Other Girls than to Males 
Girls like Miss D., who possess normally developed female 
inducement emotion, respond more readily with inducement, 
on the whole, to other girls than to men. This seems to be 
accounted for by the fact that other girls impress themselves 
upon the subject as more closely allied to her than males. 
Also, if the subject herself possesses a motor self of no great 
strength, and has only an ordinarily sensitive reinforcement 
mechanism, other girls are more apt to be felt as being of in- 
ferior strength to the girl herself than are men. In the case 
of Miss D., however, the emphasis was clearly upon the 
increased closeness of alliance which she perceived in other 
girls, since Miss D. responded toward men, for the most part, 
with unconcealed dominance. She seemed to regard males, 
in short, as of inferior strength to herself, but antagonistic 
rather than allied. 

Another feature of this close alliance, in one or two cases 
of the same type which I have observed, seemed to be a cam- 
araderie of supremacy over males. The girls like Miss F., who 
evoked inducement response from other girls most readily, 
did not yield to men. Love affairs with the male in control 
seemed to alienate the girl thus offending to the extent that 
the inducement response of her girl friend was not evoked. 
Submission to a male appeared to be the alienating behaviour 
element objected to. If the girl who evoked inducement 
response, like Miss R., expressed a great deal of inducement 
toward men, however, this behaviour seemed not to interfere 
in the least with her efficacy as an inducement stimulus to 
inducer girls like Miss D. In fact, successful inducement of 
men, provided the men were made to submit and the girl 
herself did not submit to their desires, seemed to contribute 
an added element of alliance between stimulus girl and inducer 

Alliance Requirement of Stimulus Inversely Proportional to Its 


If the stimulus person who evokes inducement from another 
is so much and so obviously inferior in strength to the subject 
that only slight reinforcement of the motor self is required to 
bring about inducement, then it would appear that a lesser 
degree of alliance with the subject is necessary in order to 
evoke inducement. Children of another race and colour may 


evoke inducement response (though less probably love) from the 
average woman, almost as readily as her own children do. 
Small boys and weak or injured persons of bo f h sexes may 
evoke inducement responses of fairly pure variety from adult 
males of normal strength, even though the boys or feeble 
adults are especially alien to the standards and tastes of the 
male from whom inducement is being evoked. Animals even, 
may frequently evoke inducement from human beings, even 
though the animal's behaviour is annoying and repulsive to 
the subject. It would seem that, in all cases, the greater the 
inferiority of strength, the less close the alliance of the stimulus 
need be in order to evoke inducement. 

If we compare the degree of alliance always required in an 
environmental stimulus in order to evoke submission with the 
requisite degree of alliance necessary in an adequate environ- 
mental inducement stimulus, we find that submission stimuli 
must possess, on the whole, much closer alliance to the subject 
than is required of inducement stimuli. The reason for this 
would seem to be that most normal human beings have learned 
that reducing their own strength in order to be controlled by 
another person is apt to prove a dangerous undertaking, since 
the person submitted to, though closely allied at the moment 
of submission, may become antagonistic at any time, if the 
appetitive interests of the person submitted to dictate such a 
change of attitude. 

A gir?, for example, may submit very completely to her 
mother during her childhood, at which time the mother's 
attitude is one of complete alliance with the child's welfare 
and interests. At a later period, however, it may be very 
much to the mother's appetitive interests in every way to 
keep the girl at home, rather than permitting her to attend 
school or college in some distant part of the country. Or the 
mother's appetitive interests may dictate marriage of the 
daughter to a wealthy man of accepted standing, whom the 
girl does not love, and who will never be able to evoke her love 
responses. In such cases, mothers frequently employ the 
response of submission which they are still able to evoke from 
their daughters, for the purpose of furthering their own 
appetitive satisfactions. Thus it is that emotionally mature 
adults usually have learned to yield submission only to 
stimulus persons whose degree of alliance with themselves is 
indubitably close, 


Inducement response, on the other fraud, may be expressed 
toward persons weaker than the subject, even though such 
persons later turn out to be distinctly antagonistic to the sub- 
ject's interests] without serious injury accruing to the subject 
as a result of such attempted inducement responses. Through 
learning, therefore, a much closer degree of alliance is required 
to evoke submission than is necessary to evoke induced. 
It is this same type of learning, probably, which leads to a still 
further lowering of the alliance requirement in an inducement 
person or animal, when the latter is tremendously inferior 
in strength to the subject. 


We may summarize the findings of this chapter as follows. 
Inducement, like dominance, compliance, and submission, 
may be found as a principle of the behaviour of inanimate 
objects. When two physical objects exercise attractive, or 
gravitational force upon one another, the smaller body is 
drawn toward the larger. During this movement, the 
stronger, allied body controls and directs the attractive force 
of the smaller object, increasing its own correspondingly. 
Both forces remain in progressively increased alliance with one 
another throughout the reaction. Human and animal 
inducement behaviour follows the same rules, with the sole 
difference that human inducement behaviour is brought about 
by means of integrative mechanisms, and so attams con- 

Inducement response cannot be evoked from decerebrate 
animals, and probably depends upon the mediation of motor 
centres integratively siiperior to the tonic centres in control 
at the time inducement is evoked. Inducement, as an 
important response element in spontaneous love behaviour, 
evidently can be mediated successfully by thalamic centres. 

Inducement response is found in infant behaviour described 
by Watson and others, where it frequently follows submission 
to petting, when the petting is discontinued. Pure induce- 
ment response forms an important part of the behaviour of 
girls, from the age of three on. " Playing (at) house ", " play- 
ing (at) school ", and similar games may be cited as very com- 
monly reported types of inducement emotion in female children, 
the " mother ", or " teacher " girl inducing the others to 
submit to her. 


Cases are reported in jvhich girls of adolescent age, and 
older, appear to manifest pure inducement response toward 
other girls, slightly younger or less mature than themselves ; 
this behaviour being free from the erotic or so-cllled " sex " 
element. The suggestion is made that inducement response 
tends to develop in pure form, or as a constituent part of 
properly organized love emotion (compounded of inducement 
and submission), in normal girl and women subjects whose 
inducement is not constrained by appetitive compulsion to 
become the emotional tool of dominance or appetite. In 
such normal, female, inducement responses, the subject allies 
herself, throughout the response, with the interests and welfare 
of the person induced, impressing the superiority o her own 
strength upon the consciousness of the person induced until 
voluntary submission is evoked. In male subjects, however, 
the development of inducement emotion is quite different. 
Inducement is confused with dominance, and tends to be 
controlled by it. During late adolescence, the average male 
learns not to use inducement-dominance in tormenting or 
triumphing over other males, since such behaviour is not 
expedient. He learns to use inducement response, rather, 
as an appetitive tool, whereby he can obtain assistance and 
benefits from other males. 

Women's enforced use of inducement as an emotional 
tool for appetite has made every woman the business rival 
of every ^ther in inducing males to supply her needs. Now 
that women are increasing their dominance sufficiently to 
supply their own needs, they are becoming free to express pure 
inducement and love toward one another, which their organ- 
isms tend to compel them to do. 

In general, a lesser degree of alliance is required to evoke 
inducement response than is required to evoke submission. 

The measure of increase of the subject's motor self during 
inducement emotion, is the difference between its initial 
strength and the volume necessary effectively to control the 
stimulus person. 

Pleasantness of Inducement 

Introspective reports are more frank in declaring induce- 
ment behaviour to be pleasant from beginning to end than 
are reports concerning submission. Since true inducement 
necessitates complete alliance between the motor self and 


motor stimulus, there is no possible ; source of unpleasantness 
in this response, provided neither dominance nor appetite 
emotion are permitted to intrude. 

Many subjects report that inducement becomes very 
unpleasant if unsuccessful, or when its success remains in 
doubt. Use of the word " success " in such reports evidences 
the true dominant nature of the behaviour characterized as 
" unpleasant ". When one strives for "success " as a con- 
scious end, then one is expressing dominance and not induce- 
ment. The purpose sought in such responses is to compel an 
antagonist into allegiance with the self, and not to lead or 
induce an ally into conduct favourable to both persons. True 
inducement is pobitively pleasant at all times, whether success- 
ful or not, because the other person is regarded as a fiiend, 
or ally, throughout. Should a wish be entertained to compel 
the stimulus person to do something against his will, then 
dominance must have replaced inducement response, and 
unpleasantness will accompany the failure of the dominance 
reaction to accomplish its purpose. 

The pleasantness of inducement emotion undoubtedly increases 
pan passu with increase in the closeness of alliance brought about 
by the inducement response itself, between stimulus person and 
subject. Inducement is a type of reaction that does not 
represent a resting balance of the organism. Inducement 
seeks rather to draw the stimulus person into such close alliance 
that the subject can submit to the other without further 
striving, or effort. In proportion as this ultimate resting 
balance of the organism is secured, therefore, the pleasantness 
of inducement is observed to increase. Many subjects report 
this self observation in the belief that the added pleasantness 
is a dominant satisfaction, and without being in the least 
aware that the culminating pleasantness occurs when induce- 
ment-striving is able to merge in the resting-balance response 
of submission, which is undoubtedly most pleasant of all when 
thus arrived at. 

Distinctive Conscious Characteristics of Inducement Emotion 

Some popular terms for emotional behaviour characterized 
principally by inducement are : " persuasion ", " attraction ", 
" captivation ", "seduction", "vamping 11 (ie. acting the 
vampire), " convincing ", " making an impression on " 
another person, "alluring", "luring", "attractive per- 


sonality ", " personal , charm ", " personal magnetism ", 
" appealing ", " leading " a person, " convincing " a person, 
" converting " a person, " charming " a person, " selling " an 
idea or oneself, " showing a person it is to his interest " to do 
something proposed, " inducing a person " to do something, 
" winning a person's confidence ", and " winning a person's 
friendship ". 

The chief differences in meaning between these and similar 
terms for inducement behaviour lie in the varying degrees 
of appetitive purpose or technique, suggested as constituent 
parts of the total action indicated. Like submission, these 
popular descriptions of inducement are objective, for the 
most part, giving little clue to the emotion which iihe inducer 
observed in his own consciousness, while his inducement 
response was in progress. 

Even a casual analysis of the terms descriptive of induce- 
ment as a type of action toward another person reveals a 
substantial unanimity of meaning as to the actual nature of 
the response itself. In every case inducement consists of an 
increase of the self, and making of the self more completely allied 
with the stimulus person, for the purpose of establishing control 
over that person's behaviour. 

Self-observations of inducement emotion, reported by sub- 
jects of both sexes (though male reports concerned inducement 
responses used for business or other appetitive purposes) 
suggest A he definitive characteristic of inducement to be : a 
feeling that it is utterly necessary to win the voluntary submission 
of another person to do what the subject says. This feeling, 
increasingly pleasant in proportion as the other person submits t 
constitutes inducement emotion. 


IT is evident that a child, in actively submitting to its mother's 
commands/^ must place its motor self under the iiitegrative 
control of motor stimuli evoked by the mother. This control 
consists, in the first place, of dictation by the mother as to 
which parts of the motor self shall be reinforced. That is to 
say, the determining cause which influences the child to re- 
inforce the motor discharge innervating his grasping muscles 
will consist of the mother's command rather than the object 
which is grasped. If the infant is grasping a rod and the rod 
is pulled in a direction opposite to the child's grasp upon it, 
his motor self reinforces itself as a response to motor stimuli 
evoked by the antagonistic moving of the rod. Let us sup- 
pose, on the other hand, that the child is holding one end of a 
steamer rug, which he is helping his mother to fold after a 
picnic on the beach. The rug is heavy, and the mother must 
exert a considerable pull on her end of the rug in order to 
straighten it out. The child, having no dominant set, or 
primary emotional response toward the rug, allows it to slip 
a little way through his fingers, as the weight of the rug and 
the mother's pull upon it move it in a direction antagonistic 
to his grasp. 

" Hold it tight, Teddy," commands the mother. And 
Teddy immediately reinforces his grasp upon the rug until 
he supports its entire weight in the manner required. In this 
case the child responds almost exclusively with a submission 
response to the mother, rather than with a dominance response 
toward the rug. Later, of course, Teddy may learn to use his 
dominant responses to carry out submission reactions (D -f S), 
in which case Teddy would express a true dominance response 
toward the rug adapted to his submission response to the 



D + S Gives Organism a Resting Balance 

We might suppose in this instance, that the motor stimuli 
evoked by the mother's command, being in jevery respect 
allied with the motor self of the child, were able to gain motor 
discharge simultaneously with the child's own tonic impulses 
over the efferent paths leading to the grasping muscles which 
held the rug. The increased tension of these muscles which 
follows, would reflexly reinforce the particular portion of the 
tonic motor discharge leading back to the rug-grasping muscles, 
both through the operation of the muscular proprioceptors 
giving additional stimulation when the tension of the muscles 
increases, and also through corresponding centra] reinforce- 
ment mechanisms. This would account adequately, it seems, 
for active submission responses which would thus appear to be 
the natural ally of, and complement to dominance reactions. 

The motor self of the subject would not, at any time during 
submission response, be thrown out of its natural reflex balance 
in control of the organism. Yet within itself, the total tonic 
discharge might be redistributed with appropriate partial 
reinforcement and dimunition according to the dictates of the 
submission stimulus. This stimulus, in turn, in order to 
remain in complete alliance with the motor self would be 
compelled to dictate to the motor self the most harmonious 
and efficient adjustment possible to the total environment. 
Thus the submission stimulus would simply supplant the 
environmental stimuli to dominance, and compliance, in 
evoking perfect adjustment of the motor self to the total 
environmental stimulus situation, the motor self remaining 
in its natural or normal balance more effectively by virtue 
of its submissive relationship to the submission stimulus. 
This integrative condition would represent, then, a resting 
balance of the motor self, supplemented and made secure by 
the directing presence of its superior ally. 

Inducement Response Requires an Unstable State of Reflex 

With regard to inducement response, the integrative picture 
must be quite different. Inducement is a type of reaction 
which seems to procure the presence of an ally within certain 
selected portions of the total discharge pattern of the motor 
self. Inducement is not, primarily, a resting adjustment of the 
motor self to total environment. The motor self must bring 


about its own adaptation to surrcxinding dominance and 
compliance stimuli. It must also maintain itself at an in- 
creased level t of strength, in order to secure the continued 
presence of the weaker, allied impulses in those portions of the 
tonic motor discharge pattern where the allied impulses are 
to be captured and controlled. 

Let us attempt to reconstruct the integrative situation 
which must obtain within the organism of the mother, who 
in the submission incident just analysed, induced submission 
successfully from her small son with respect to the folding 
up of a rug. The mother in that instance first observed 
that her weaker ally, Teddy, was growing too weak to maintain 
his alliance with her in their joint project. Her problem, then, 
was one of increasing and rearranging her own motor self in 
such a way that the ally might be strengthened. This in- 
crease and rearrangement of strength took place when the 
mother commanded her child to strengthen his grip on the rug. 
Throughout the remainder of the process of folding the rug, 
the mother must similarly have continued to exert herself 
on Teddy's behalf, to the extent of issuing instructions as to the 
movements she wished the child to make, together with a con- 
tinuous supervising attitude, making sure that Teddy was 
performing the appropriate movement at the proper time. 

The mother must, moreover, exert her power upon Teddy 
in accordance with Teddy's organism, as well as her own. 
A command, for example, directing the child to ftold the 
rug with his teeth or with his feet would be futile. Again, any 
relaxation of the influence exerted upon Teddy would bring his 
assistance to an end, since he was responding to the mother 
and not to the rug itself. First then, within the mother's own 
organism, her motor self must permit the allied, weaker, motor 
stimuli representing Teddy, to select those parts of her own 
total motor discharge pattern wherein motor stimuli and motor 
self may continuously reinforce one another. Secondly, the 
parts of the mother's motor self already occupying these paths 
must be strengthened, in order to reduce the resistance in the 
common paths sufficiently for the weaker allied motor stimuli 
to enter them. \Vhile this condition persists, the weaker 
motor stimuli would be kept as allies in the common paths ; 
but only so long as the motor self keeps itself selectively re- 
inforced in the requisite pattern. 

This integrative condition of inducement response must be an 


unstable one due to the constant tendency on the part of the motor 
self to return to its natural resting state or equilibrium, thus 
lapsing from its temporarily assumed, selective increase, which 
alone holds the weaker allied impulses in a state/)f captivation. 
The only way in which the mother's integrative adjustment 
could be made permanent, or stable, would be through the 
strengthening of the allied motor stimuli to a level where they 
would not only remain in their present state of alliance with- 
out assistance, but also would be able actively to select the 
paths of alliance wherein the mother's motor self should be 
decreased or diminished. 

In other words, the mother's natural reflex equilibrium 
could not be restored to a completely resting, or balanced 
condition, until Teddy had learned to perform his part of the 
rug-folding process perfectly, and was further able to take the 
initiative in directing his mother's movements so that they 
would co-operate completely with his own. This, of course, 
would constitute a reversal of the initial relationship between 
mother and child, with the mother submitting and the child 
inducing. Looked at from the point of view of the mother, 
this termination of inducement response by supplanting it 
with submission would not only restore her integrative equili- 
brium to its natural, or resting state, but it would also accom- 
plish in a permanent way the need for which the inducement 
response was striving ; namely, the acquiring of a permanent 
ally in tfiat particular undertaking. 

/ is to S as C is to D 

If the suggested mechanisms by which inducement and 
submission responses are brought about are approximately 
accurate, then inducement bears the same relationship to sub- 
mission, when the two occur successively, that compliance bears 
to dominance response. Inducement can persist as the con- 
trolling primary emotional response of the organism only so 
long as the environmental inducement stimulus keeps the 
organism actively engaged in holding the stimulus in allied 
relationship. When this inducement reaction stops, the 
motor self, if it continues to react to the same environmental 
stimulus, which is allied, though weaker than itself, will auto- 
matically assume the state of adjustment most closely allied 
with the environmental stimulus as it then is, without any 


effort to bring the stimulus into closer alliance with itself. 
This condition would constitute a stale of passive submission 
response. The allied stimulus, in such a case, would possess 
sufficient powe^r to attract the motor self into a pattern deter- 
mined by the stimulus ; but it would not exert sufficient power 
over the motor self to compel it to perform actively within that 
pattern. Active inducement response, therefore, tends to be 
followed automatically by submission. 

If, on the other hand, inducement is successful, as in the 
instance of the mother directing her child in folding the rug, 
the complete success of the inducement response itself would 
tend to bring about an attitude of active submission immediately 
following ttye successful inducement. Inducement response 
contemplates, as its ultimate purpose, the increasing of the 
strength of the allied stimulus to such a degree that it will 
become superior in strength to the motor self, rather than 
inferior to it. Consider, for example, the unlearned child 
behaviour reported by Watson wherein the infant extends its 
feet or hands to invite stimulation, or spontaneously hugs its 
mother as an inducement to her to continue petting the child. 
In such cases the inducement response is designed to increase 
the strength of the allied stimulus to a point where the child 
may submit once more to the stimulus thus increased. 

Teaching is I + S 

Any teaching which has for its purpose the increasing of a 
student's own knowledge or ability to deal successfully with 
a certain type of subject matter tends to bring about the 
ultimate result that the student, when he has increased his 
knowledge sufficiently, will be able to call upon the teacher 
for such further instruction as may be best suited to the 
student's principal needs and abilities. The skilful teacher 
exercises only sufficient initial inducement to raise the pupil to an 
intellectual strength where the teaoher can submit to him effectively. 
Thus, we find the elementary college course, in America at 
least, consisting largely of lectures and arbitrary instructions 
to the student as to required procedures necessary to master 
the elementary technique of a given subject. The most 
advanced courses in this same field will be found to consist 
largely of seminars and research work, in which the student 
undertakes original investigations or theoretical expositions 
of his own devising, calling upon the professor and upon his 


fellow students for help and criticism at the points where 
such assistance is needed. 

Again, if we consider the student's controlling emotional 
responses in the behaviour mentioned, we discover that the 
seeker after knowledge has been obliged to offer inducement 
of some sort to the teacher, before the latter agreed to under- 
take the instruction of the student at all. This first induce- 
ment response on the part of the prospective student was a 
comparatively brief one, possibly consisting of paying the 
requisite fee to the college, arranging the proper application 
and registration for the course in question, and perhaps, asking 
the professor's personal consent to the student's enrolment in 
that course. This brief inducement behaviour, Jiowever, if 
successful, resulted immediately in an increase in the strength 
of the professor as compared to the student, which enabled 
the instructor to induce and the student to submit throughout 
the academic period set for the study in question. Thus 
the total series of prevailing responses, in this type of behaviour, 
might be listed thus : 

(1) Student induces professor to accept student's enrolment 
in the professor's course. 

(2) Professor submits to student's inducement by accepting 
him as requested. 

(3) Professor induces student to follow certain mental 
behaviour prescribed as work in the course. 

(4) Student submits by performing this work. 

(5) Student, in advanced courses following, induces pro- 
fessor to give special assistance in student's own problems. 

(6) Professor submits by giving help required. 

(7) Student submits by altering his methods accordingly. 
In the above series of inducement-submission responses, 

as also in the series of infantile inducement responses before 
mentioned, two aspects of the relationship between induce- 
ment and submission might be noted. First, submission in 
all cases eventually supercedes inducement. Secondly, induce- 
ment responses act as selective agents determining the nature 
and strength of the submission responses which follow. 

Learning by I 4- S is Pleasant ; Learning by Trial and Error 

(C + D) is Painful 

The proper relationship between the primary emotional 
responses of inducement and submission, as analysed above, 


is a 'most important and beneficial one to the organism as a 
whole. By this method, the organism is permitted to seek 
guidance and help from persons more developed in some par- 
ticular than the subject. The subject, thereafter, is enabled 
to submit to the instruction imposed, or assistance given, 
as soon as the more highly developed person has been induced 
to give all the leadership required by the subject. It is by 
this emotional mechanism, combining in proper relationship 
the responses of submission and inducement that human beings 
and animals, to a lesser extent, are enabled to accomplish 
without suffering the same or better results than those attained 
by the harsh method of compulsory compliance, followed by 
compensatory dominance. The latter method of learning 
is known as " experience ", or " the trial and error method ". 

Without inducement and submission responses, the pain 
and suffering of human and animal life, great as it already is, 
would be inconceivably increased. Every acquired response 
of compliance with intensity entails a certain amount of 
inevitable unpleasantness or suffering while it is in the process 
of being learned. The dominance response, moreover, which 
must follow and counteract this enforced compliance, is often 
more intensely unpleasant than was the original compliance. 
In contrast to this double dose of unpleasantness, experienced 
in learning by the C -f D method, we find, in the inducement- 
submission mechanism, a possible method for acquiring the 
requisite action ability even more effectively, so far as ewl result 
goes, with a double dose of pleasantness attached to the process 
of learning. 

Both inducement and submission responses, when, in the 
proper relationship one to the other as analysed above, are 
capable of rendering sustained pleasantness of motation as a 
background to the entire learning process. Compliance with 
intensity responses acquired by animals and human males 
in the course of the " struggle for existence ", and under the 
rule of " survival of the fittest ", usually entail positive 
destruction of important portions of the learner's body and 
consciousness. Nearly all the unpleasant, abnormal feelings 
of childhood, and the perverted and exaggerated reactions 
of over compliance and needless dominance which eventually 
lead to the office of a physician or psychiatrist in adult life, 
may be classed as injuries received in the process of learning 
by the compulsory compliance method. Learning by the 


inducement submission method, on the other hand, never entails 
injury or loss of function to body or consciousness, provided 
only that inducement and submission responses are kept in 
proper relationship one to the other. If the teacher selected 
for learning by inducement-submission method possesses an 
erroneous or inadequate knowledge of his subject, the student, 
after learning the teacher's faulty technique, may suffer injury 
in attempted application of his false knowledge, that is, in 
trying to manipulate the environment with inadequate tools. 
But in that case, though a wrong choice of inducer was orig- 
inally at fault, the actual injury is suffered as before, in the 
course of compliance and dominance behaviour which attempts 
to utilize the supposed knowledge. 

Anglo-American Law Forbids Use of Dominance Toward 
Human Beings 

It is possible to differentiate sharply between the normal 
reactions of human subjects to other human beings, and the 
normal reactions of human subjects to the inanimate objects 
of nature, by discovering the difference between environmental 
stimuli adequate to compliance-dominance responses, and 
environmental stimuli adequate to submission-inducement 
reactions. 1 It can be shown that the basis of civilization, 
including its laws and all its social institutions, rests upon a 
prohibition of the use of compliance-dominance behaviour 
toward kuman beings, and compulsory use of inducement- 
submission behaviour in all social relationships. The common 
law, which has been the source of English and American 
jurisprudence, attempts, by its law of crime and punishment, 
to prevent the use of dominant compulsion in business and 
economic relationships between human beings. Unrestrained 
dominance can only be exercised over human beings, according 
to common law principles, by the state itself ; and the state 
in thus compelling its citizens to comply with its intensity 
is acting, at least theoretically, in submission to the highest 
needs of the greatest possible proportion of those human 
beings who constitute its citizenry. 

The constitution of the United States, embodying this 
principle, contains the well known provision that no citizen 

1 The author has in preparation a volume dealing with problems of 
social psychology, based upon this differentiation between responses 
to people and reactions to things. 


shall be deprived of life, liberty, or f the pursuit of happiness 
" without due process of law ". In terms of primary emotional 
responses, this protects from compliance with intensity, not 
only when their fellow citizens might attempt to exercise such 
dominance over them, but also in case the agents of the state 
itself should attempt to do so. The individual human being 
is conceived of as possessing an inherent right not to be made 
to comply with dominant intensity imposed upon him by any 
other human being, except as a punishment for having com- 
mitted a similar act against some other citizen. Confessions 
obtained by torture and physical violence are not admissible, 
theoretically at least, in court proceedings. Police are not 
permitted. by law to compel obedience to their commands by 
direct imposition of physical attack of sufficient intensity to 
compel compliance, unless they themselves or some other 
citizens are threatened with similar violence by an offender 
against the peace of the community. 

Parents and teachers are not allowed by law to compel 
compliance from unruly children by whippings of sufficient 
intensity to enforce compliance upon a stubborn child. The 
child must be brought to court, and the court may restrain, 
but cannot whip the child. If the parent does impose physical 
punishment of intensity sufficient to compel compliance 
from the child, it is frequently the parent who is brought to 
court on criminal charges of cruelty to the child. This 
provision against compulsion by dominance is evep carried 
to the point of forbidding the use of this method in the training 
or treatment of animals. Statutes in nearly all American 
states provide criminal penalties for "cruelty to animals ". 

Not only is man, under the common law, prohibited from 
responding to his fellow man with the same dominance 
response that he is encouraged to use against inanimate 
objects, but also, in matters of commerce and trade, he is 
forbidden to take full advantage of certain dominant com- 
pulsions which forces of nature may exert upon other human 
beings. The United States' statute called the Sherman Anti- 
Trust Act, forbids certain " combinations in restraint of trade ". 
This federal statute recognizes that dominance may be 
exerted upon the public indirectly, by a group of people who 
have obtained a monopoly of a certain commodity which has 
become necessary to the comfort and well-being of the com- 
munity. If some " trust " is able to corner this commodity 


and fix the price upon it at an exhorbitant figure highly 
profitable to itself, the psycho-physiological laws oi the human 
organism may compel large numbers of people to pay the 
extortionate price demanded. 

Maximum price fixing on food, rentals, ancf clothing, by 
government regulation, became a well accepted legal principle 
during the world war. There, again, we find recognized the 
principle of protecting human beings against physical com- 
pulsion, even when such compulsion is actually exercised by 
their own bodies, by the climate, and by other antagonistic 
forces of the environment, and is subsequently taken advantage 
of by profiteering fellow humans. Even the extent to which 
the state can go in exercising dominant compulsion upon an 
offender against its laws is now being limited by humane 
public opinion and legislative enactment. Capital punish- 
ment, the theory of which is that threat of complete destruction 
will exercise the maximum possible dominant compulsion 
upon prospective killers, is being abolished in the United 
States. Tortures, and " cruel and unusual punishments " 
have long been abolished by American law, as methods which 
the state may not employ to compel compliance, either before 
or after conviction for a crime. 

Common Law Enforces the I + S Relationship in Business 

Following our analysis of common law principles into the 
field of Commercial law, including the law of contracts, and 
the law of sales, we find that the basis of business law appears 
to rest upon taci t recognition of the proper and normal relation- 
ship between successive inducement and submission responses. 
Common law, in general, requires that delivery of goods, or 
payment of money must follow either a contractual agreement 
to make such delivery or payment, or an actual enrichment 
of one party to the proceeding at the expense of the other 
party, if such enrichment is accepted by the person enriched. 
In terms of primary emotions, the legal principle of contract 
and sale reveals itself as follows : The seller A, induces the 
buyer B, to submit to A by paying over a certain sum of 
money for goods which A is to deliver to B at a subsequent 
date. The law does not, of course, require that A shall induce 
B, or that B must respond by submitting to A's inducement. 
But once B has responded by submitting to A, the law requires 
that A must regard B's payment as an inducement stimulus, to 


which A must respond by submission consisting of delivering 
over the goods in question. We have already noted that this 
legally enforced succession of inducement-submission responses 
is the integra^tively correct one. A's inducement having been 
successful, he must follow his inducement by a submission 
response to the individual whom he himself has made into an 
adequate submission stimulus to himself. It is curious indeed 
that the integrative principles of primary emotions should 
be found thus deftly formulated into the principles of juris- 
prudence, hundreds of years before the primary emotion 
mechanisms themselves were suggested. 

If the subject, A, fails completely to submit to the person 
B, whom A has indeed induced into becoming an adequate 
submission stimulus to himself, and if it can be demonstrated 
that subject A never intended to submit to B even before he 
had induced B to submit to him, then both English and 
American law would probably hold A guilty of a crime called 
" obtaining goods under false pretences ". If, on the other 
hand, A intended in good faith to submit to B after B had 
submitted to him, but was prevented from doing so by cir- 
cumstances outside A's control, then it is clear that B would 
be able only to bring a civil action against A's property, and 
not a criminal action against A's person. In this distinction 
we may trace another recognition of the proper distinction 
between primary emotional responses to things and persons. 
If A has not offended against B by treating B as a thing, B is not 
aided by the state to punish A by similar treatment. But A is 
considered to have forfeited his preferential rights over the 
thing, or property, in his own possession by having failed to 
control this property properly in B's behalf. B is thereupon 
permitted, through the submission relationship which A has 
incurred toward him, to compel the things possessed by A to 
conform to the relationship to B which A had undertaken to 
enforce upon the property in question, but had failed to carry 

There are strict legal limits, moreover, to the completeness 
with which A's submission must correspond with his induce- 
ment. The maxim, " Caveat Emptor ", arose from the situa- 
tion wherein B, the person induced, volunteers a certain 
amount of submission to A, over and above the amount which 
should reasonably be attributed to A's original inducement. 
That is, A says, " I have for sale the most marvellous watch 


in the world ". He then^shows B the watch, making the while, 
certain exaggerated statements concerning the merits of the 
time piece. This type of inducement, the law says, is not 
capable, per se, of evoking the submission response of paying 
an exhorbitant price for the watch corresponding in amount 
to the selling talk of A ; because B is presumed to be acting 
with mixed emotional responses of dominance and submission. 
B is not expected to yield to the full strength of A's induce- 
ment unless the article put up for sale itself stimulates B to a 
response of dominance toward the watch, which, by the degree 
of desire it evokes, justifies payment of the price demanded. 
Thus the law again recognizes that appetitive dominance is a 
proper and commendable response toward things, .which are 
the ultimate objects of trade ; while, at the same time, re- 
quiring that an integratively proper sequence of inducement- 
submission responses must be employed in the human relation- 
ships arising during the course of mutual dealings with the 
inanimate object. 

Law Recognizes I -f S as Proper Learning Method 

Finally, in this connection, it is interesting to note that 
the law recognizes, to a considerable extent, the merits of 
inducement-submission relationships between certain classes 
of persons, of supposedly mature development, and other 
classes of less developed individuals. It will be remembered 
that, b^n virtue of the inducement-submission relationship, 
learning of diverse sorts can be obtained without the suffering 
inevitable in the " school of experience ", where dominance- 
compliance learning methods prevail. The common law, 
seemingly basing itself upon this integrative principle of the 
primary emotions, provides for the existence of various 
relationships, designed to require this type of training and pro- 
tection by the inducement-submission method of learning. 
Such a relationship is legally known as a "status". The 
legal rights pertaining to a certain status do not arise from 
particular agreements, consisting of isolated inducement and 
submission responses between the persons concerned. The 
legal rights and duties pertaining to a given status arise from 
the status itself, and are of comparatively fixed and constant 
nature, until the status is dissolved. 

A child below " legal age " is regarded by the common law 
as occupying the status of a " minor ." Toward a minor, the 


parents or guardians are required by law to respond with vari- 
ous types of inducement and submission reactions. They are 
required, for instance, to induce the child to attend school, 
to obey the law of state; and community, to eat proper food 
in sufficient quantity, to sustain health, and to behave, in 
general, in such a way as not to offend the currently accepted 
proprieties and conventions of the community in which the 
child and his parents reside. All these reactions toward the 
child which are required of the parents by law are simple 
inducement responses. The child, on the other hand, is also 
required by law to submit to his parents' commands in respect 
to all the points of behaviour mentioned. He is also required 
to submit to various other persons who are placed in relation- 
ships where they express inducement toward him, such as his 
teachers in school, the city doctor, health authorities, and 
others. When the minor passes the legal age of sixteen, 
eighteen, or twenty-one as the case may be, his submission 
status to his parents and other persons ceases as does their 
status of required inducement toward the child. 

Other instances in which an inducement-submission status 
is established by law are police and private citizens ; a country 
and its citizens ; husband and wife (though in this status, 
at the present time, practically identical inducements and 
submissions are required mutually of both parties) ; and prison 
authorities and prisoners. 

It seems an extremely interesting fact that the principles 
of jurisprudence, which have evolved practically unaided 
by science, should reflect thus accurately the fundamental 
principles of inducement-submission relationships between 
human beings. These legally devised relationships are able, 
if rightly utilized, to bring about the teaching and training of 
both adult and juvenile individuals by the I + S method, the 
only normal method for human learning. Persons inferior 
in some particular are thus related by law to persons of 
presumably superior development, in such a way as to avoid, 
or at least to mitigate, the inevitable suffering entailed in the 
dominance-compliance " survival of the fittest ". 


LOVE must be differentiated from " sex ". " Sex ", according 
to the dictionary, means " the physical difference between 
male and female ; the character of being male or female ". 
Accepting this meaning for the word " sex ", " sex emotion " 
must mean that emotion which one has by virtue of being 
either male or female. The contention has never, seriously 
been advanced that love is an emotion experienced by one sex 
only. Undoubtedly, both men and women love, and women, 
at least, love one another in exactly the same way as they love 
males. Therefore, love emotion cannot be regarded as a 
" physical difference between male and female ", nor can it 
be supposed to depend for its existence upon the existence of 
sex differences. The identiiication of love emotion with sex 
is responsible, in a large degree, for the social taboos which 
occidental civilizations place on love. To regard love as an 
emotion the expression of which is facilitated by sex dif- 
ferences of body structure is wholesome. But to identify love 
emotion with sex characteristics in general, especially those of 
the male^ leads to a most unfortunate lack of understanding 
of love, since the male sex is characterized chiefly by a pre- 
ponderance of appetite. It also leads to a confusion of sex 
differences in love, with sex differences in appetite. Each 
sex possesses certain secondary appetitive characteristics, just 
as each sex possesses secondary love characteristics. The 
sex differences in bodily love structures are localized on the 
outside of the body ; while the sex differences in appetitive 
bodily structures are less obvious, manifesting their presence 
by different glandular balance, differences in hunger mechan- 
ism, and differences in bodily shape and musculature. There 
is no more reason for identifying love with sex under the name 
" sex emotion " than there is for identifying appetite with sex 
under a similar title. 

Infants Manifest Active and Passive Love Behaviour 
Infant behaviour reveals, apparently, simultaneous com- 



binations of certain aspects of inducement and submission, 
just as we have seen that it reveals Integra tive compounds of 
dominance and compliance. As already noted, the infants 
observed by Watson, Jones, and others, are reported as 
manifesting two types of love behaviour. In the first type of 
love behaviour wherein the infant ceased other activities 
and gave himself up completely to the control and direction 
of the stimulus, we have already noted that active submission 
to the stimulating person constituted the explicit response. 
This might be termed, tentatively, passive love response, and its 
other constituent element besides submission will be con- 
sidered presently. The other type of love behaviour mani- 
fested by infants, wherein the child pressed itself against the 
parent, hugged its mother or nurse, and sought in various 
ways to control the actions of the loved person, contains active 
inducement as its most explicit emotional response element. 
This aspect of love behaviour may conveniently be termed 
active love, and its additional emotional constituent also must 
be analysed. 

Passive Love Is a Compound of pi and aS 

In passive love, the obviously controlling element is active 
submission. Infants, during the responses analysed, reacted 
both explicitely and implicitly according to the dictates of the 
person stimulating their sensitive zones. After an initial 
dimunition of the motor self sufficient to put the allied^stimulus 
completely in control, (as evidenced by giving up of dominance 
response, crying, etc.) the motor self increased those parts 
of its total motor discharge required by the motor stimulus. 
That is to say, the stimulus person tickled, stroked, and petted 
the infant, thus selecting certain tonically innervated parts 
of the child's body, both skeletal muscles and viscera, which 
responded actively, with tonic reinforcements, to the stimula- 
tion imposed. The active responses, moreover, were not of 
antagonistic nature, but indicated that the tonic discharge 
paths were being freely opened to the impulses evoked by 
the stimulation. Erection of the penis, for example, we know 
to be a tonic end effect ordinarily held in check by cortical 
inhibition. 1 When this response occurs, therefore, it is 

*E. G. Martin and M. L. Tainter, " The Inhibition of Erection by 
Decerebration," American Journal of Physiology, 1923, vol. 65, pp, 

LOVE 289 

apparent that the motor self has not been further inhibited 
by the motor stimuli evoked, but rather that it has responded 
positively and submissively to the allied impulses set up by 
sensitive zone stimulation. This is active submission. 

Passive love, moreover, contains a second element, evi- 
dently conditioned, in the first place, by the active submission 
responses just referred to. This second element consists of 
the holding out of hands and feet to be tickled, already cited 
in Chapter XII, as expressions of inducement. The child, one 
might believe, enjoys the active submission experience so 
intensely that he offers himself conveniently to the stimulator 
for its continuance. This behaviour, though properly char- 
acterized as inducement, is yet of a somewhat more passive 
nature than the spontaneous hugging, and pressing against 
the mother's body which may come later. The stimulated 
parts are tendered suggestively for further stimulation but no 
attempt is made to take the initiative in bringing such further 
stimulation about. The motor self may be thought of as 
reinforcing itself in respect to the tonic innervations of hands, 
feet, and other parts presented for stimulation in order to 
invite attention to those parts. But the motor self does not 
reinforce itself with sufficient strength and positiveness to 
press the parts offered against the body of the stimulator, 
thereby actively evoking corresponding pressures of over- 
whelming strength, to which the child may submit. This 
Partial reinforcement of the motor self then, for the purpose of 
inviting whatever stimulation the stimulus person may choose 
to administer, may be termed passive inducement. 

It seems quite apparent that passive inducement can co- 
exist effectively with active submission, as actually occurs 
in the infant behaviour under discussion. Both responses, 
moreover, being mutually allied with the subject's motor self 
and with each other, are evoked by and expressed toward 
the same stimulus person. Such simultaneous compounding 
of passive inducement and active submission may be termed 
passive love. \^ 

Active Love is a Compound of al and pS 

Analysis of active love as evidenced in child behaviour 
similarly reveals a pair of primary emotional response elements 
simultaneously occurring. There must be, of course, some 
predisposing or determining reaction within the child's own 



organism, prior to his sudden hugging or pressing against the 
mother. That is to say, the mother or nurse may frequently 
hold the child, or remain within reach of it, without any 
appearance of active love behaviour. On other occasions, 
the child spontaneously manifests a love initiative. What is 
the nature of the preparatory response within the infant 
organism, upon those occasions when active love spontaneously 
appears toward the mother ? 

A clue to the implicit predetermining reaction within the 
child's organism may be obtained from the frequency with 
which active love responses follow immediately upon the ces- 
sation of previous petting and caressing which the mother 
has been bestowing upon the child. Upon practically every 
occasion when I have observed active love responses of the 
type described in the behaviour of male children, the active 
love response has appeared immediately alter a mother or 
nurse had ceased petting or stroking the infant. On one 
occasion the mother had been bathing a male infant three 
months old. The temperature stimulation from the water 
and the stroking of the child's skin by the mother had evoked 
what appeared to be passive love responses. When the bath 
was over and the stroking stopped the infant extended its 
arms spontaneously and without crying. When the mother's 
hand was brought within the child's reach he pressed it between 
his hands and hugged it against his body. 

I have noted similar active love behaviour on the part of 
girl children of a somewhat older age which did not follow so 
closely a petting or caressing of the child. But in these cases 
the active love behaviour was always expressed toward a 
person who had frequently caressed the child upon previous 
occasions, or after an interval of unusual length, during which 
the mother had not petted the child. 

These instances seem to indicate, in the case of the male children, 
that active love behaviour tends to occur while the stimulus to 
active submission is still acting upon the organism, but after 
it has ceased to possess sufficient strength actively to direct the 
child's motor self. In the case of girl children the suggestion 
arises that a love hormone may exist which accumulates 
sufficiently after an interval to act in a similar manner upon 
the organism ; that is, by administering an allied stimulus to 
submission not quite strong enough to produce active sub- 

LOVE 291 

If a submission stigiulus which is not powerful enough 
actively to direct the motor self of the child, is acting upon 
the organism, such a stimulus may still prove sufficient in 
strength to enforce passive submission upon J,he motor self. 
This stimulus, in the cases cited, was applied from within the 
organism either in the form of after discharge from centres 
recently stimulated as in the case of the male child, or in the 
possible form of a love hormone in appropriate regions of the 
female organism. Passive submission response in either case 
would seem to consist of a simple passive giving up of every 
sort of activity of the motor self which was not compatible 
with the motor stimuli to passive submission evoked within 
the organism. 

This situation seems to be the predisposing cause of the 
active inducement response, which is evoked by environ- 
mental stimuli consisting of mother of loved one. Just as in 
the case of passive compliance with hunger pangs, where 
food was the only environmental stimulus stronger than 
hunger pangs, so in the case of intra-organic passive sub- 
mission stimulus, a love stimulating person would seem to be 
the only possible environmental stimulus weaker than the 
subject (because subject has learned that this person yields to 
her inducement), yet stronger than the passive submission 
stimuli at present controlling the motor self. This integrative 
situation predisposes the infant organism to inducement response 
toward Ihe mother just as hunger pangs predispose both infant 
and adult organisms toward food. If the mother were not 
present to evoke the inducement response, the organism would 
be incapable of concerted emotional response toward other 
environmental stimuli for as long a time as the passive sub- 
mission response to the intra-organic stimuli persisted. Only 
this one type of active inducement response would seem to be 
capable of controlling any considerable part of the child's 
behaviour at this time, just as food alone is capable of con- 
trolling behaviour during the persistence of hunger pangs. 
In children who thus overtly manifest active inducement 
response while implicitly reacting with passive submission 
to some intra-organic stimulus, we find in existence a new 
emotional compound, composed of simultaneously occurring 
active inducement and passive submission, and this compound 
emotion may be named active love, 


Captivation r 

The conscious emotional qualities of active and passive love 
do not appear with sufficient certainty in the case of infant 
responses such, as those analysed to characterize or name the 
compound emotions thus discovered. We have already 
mentioned instances, however, taken from the behaviour of 
oiucr children, where the characteristics of active and passive 
love responses are clearly manifest. While discussing induce- 
ment, a series of male responses was analysed consisting of 
cruelty or torments imposed upon weaker males. We noted, 
at that time, that the underlying love responses which were 
adapted to and controlled by dominance consisted of a mixture 
of inducement and submission which cause a type of response 
designed to captivate the weaker male. This captivation 
emotion seems identical in respect to its primary emotional 
elements and their simultaneous compounding, with the active 
love response found in the behaviour of infants. When we 
abstract dominance and appetitive emotion completely from 
the compound, we find that there remains an active inducement 
response designed to evoke submission from the boy tormented 
plus a passive submission reaction, which may be evoked by 
one of a number of environmental stimuli, depending upon 
the circumstances. In the case wheie a group of boys (known 
in social psychology as " the crowd ") unite to haze or torture a 
boy weaker than the rest, it would seem that each individual 
member of the crowd, is submitting passively to the crowd 
as a whole. A " crowd ", or group, does not possess, of course, 
a united " will "or " mind ", with which it can actively direct 
or compel an individual member of the group. But the situa- 
tion wherein eight, or ten, or twenty other boys are engaged 
in the same play, may act very efficiently to induce each 
member of the group to give up all personal desires and 
activities other than those in which the group is engaged. This 
response of each individual boy to the group constitutes a 
clear-cut passive submission reaction. 

It is an often reported fact that a few members of a crowd 
which is engaged in tormenting a single individual, privately 
demur, and would not continue with the project in hand, were 
it not for the powerful influence which they feel from the group 
as a whole. It is this influence which compels them to go on 
with it. The crowd's influence, of course, to some extent, 
mav be a dominant one. with a corresnondincr admixture of 

LOVE 293 

compliance in the behaviour of the over-influenced group 
member. Yet the influence of the crowd upon its individual 
members is predominantly one of inducement, for each individual 
is apt to be much more influenced by his wisjh to retain the 
good will of his fellows, and not to be thought of by them as 
a " quitter ", than by a likelihood of physical violence in case 
he separates himself from the crowd's activities. In short, 
regard for the esteem of his fellows causes each boy to submit 
to the whole group to the extent of staying with them and 
participating in the bullying of another boy, which they had 
jointly undertaken. 

If to his passive submission response be added an active 
inducement reaction toward the boy hazed, then we have 
the compound emotion already designated as active love. 
In the emotional consciousness of males engaged in tormenting 
another, this active love element clearly assumes the character- 
istic of pleasure in enslaving (making captive) the stimulus person. 

It must be remembered that the male emotion, just con- 
sidered, contains a controlling admixture of dominance. The 
violence, and antagonistic quality of its delight in forcing 
another person into captivity and subjection, therefore, must 
be discounted before the true quality of active love emotion 
can be disclosed. When the dominance is abstracted, and pure 
active love alone remains, we find still the delight in capturing 
the weaker, stimulus person. But pure active love requires, 
for its 1 pleasure, the p^asure of its captive. Active love 
requires that the person captured must be a willing, wholly 
submissive captive. The result can be accomplished only 
when the captor (or captress) makes himself or herself so 
utterly attractive to the stimulus person that the captured 
one submits voluntarily to the attraction exercised over him. 
Active love, according to this analysis, must be defined as 
capturing a loved person by the power of personal attraction. 

The term which most nearly conveys this meaning seems 
to be " captivation ". Captivation means . " Making captive 
by charm ", which offers a very fair characterization of pure 
active love emotion. We may, therefore, adopt the term cap- 
tivation as a verbal symbol for active love emotion. 

Mutual Captivation Emotion is Evoked by Struggles Between 

the Sexes 

Captivation emotion most frequently occurs in every day 


life between members of opposite sex^s. Nearly all normal 
girls or boys experience a considerable amount of captivation 
emotion during a playful physical struggle with an attractive 
member of the qpposite sex. Still more frequently captivation 
emotion is experienced in emotional or even in intellectual 
struggles of the same sort. Such contests are not for the 
purpose of dominating the opponent as one desires to dominate 
an inanimate object. The issue of the struggle is intended 
to decide only who shall induce and who shall submit.^, 

In this type of behaviour, there is no crowd or group to 
evoke passive submission from either individual. The passive 
submission, in these inter-sex struggles, consists of passive 
submission evoked by each individual from the other. That 
is to say, there exists a learned alliance between the bodies 
and emotions of males and females. During the struggle 
each attempts to increase the motor self to induce the other 
to be captured. Each of these attempts to induce is par- 
tially successful, evoking some submission from the person 
of opposite sex, but this submission response is only sufficient 
to prevent the other individual from responding to another 
stimulus than the inducer. This constitutes passive sub- 
mission response on the part of both. 

Each individual, at the same time, continues to attempt 
to prove his physical or emotional strength superior to that 
of the other person. This constitutes active inducement. 
We find, therefore, the same combination of implicit passive 
submission and explicit active inducement that occurred in 
the active love responses formerly analysed. In this case 
of struggles between the sexes, however, there is a cumu- 
latively increasing stimulation of both primary emotional 
elements, pan passu with the increase of the struggle. This 
situation evokes, therefore, a maximally pleasant type of 
captivation emotion from botli parties to the struggle. Mutual 
captivation responses between the sexes are of very common 
occurrence in everyday life. At the seashore, where the 
bodies are much more completely exposed than upon most 
other occasions, men frequently seize girl companions and 
attempt to carry them into the surf. Girls on the beach 
throw pebbles at their male companions. Both activities are 
calculated to evoke mutual captivation struggles of the type 
During social relationships which are initiated in a con- 

LOVE 295 

ventional type of meeting between the sexes, the girl is more 
frequently the aggressor in provoking captivation contests 
than is the male. One case of this sort which came to my 
attention in clinic will serve to illustrate the type of behaviour 
suggested. A girl twenty years old complained,*with apparent 
sincerity, that she " simply could not prevent men from 
mauling her ". She came to me to ask for help in methods 
of preventing what she described as " male bestiality " which 
was roused beyond control, as she believed, by her " sex 
charm ". This young person, Z, related an incident which I 
afterwards verified in part. 

A boy, X, meeting Z at a dance, had invited her for the 
usual motor ride. Just what happened in the jnachine is 
problematical, since the stories of Z and X differed sub- 
stantially. Z's appearance, however, on her return from the 
ride, was described by several girl friends of Z whom I ques- 
tioned concerning the affair. " She was a mess " as one girl 
described it. Her upper arms were badly bruised, her mouth 
was cut and considerably swollen. Her clothes were torn, 
and her hair, which was long, was hanging about her shoulders 
in complete disorder. There was evidence that the bodily 
relationship had not been established by X. Z, when first 
seen by her friends after returning in X's motor, was crying 

The initial inference from these facts would be that X was, 
to say tiie least, a " cave man " in his treatment of the opposite 
sex. Careful inquiries failed to reveal, however, that X had 
ever treated any other girl with any rudeness or violence 
whatsoever. Several girls had gone for motor rides with X 
under circumstances almost identical with Z's case. In one 
instance, I was able to verify the fact that X had made love 
to a girl who was his guest at a dance, with no untoward 
results. " Yes ", this girl told me, " X was perfectly all 
right. I had no difficulty in showing him that I did not care 
for him ". The evidence is conclusive that this girl did reject 
X in the manner reported. 

The explanation of X's response to Miss Z undoubtedly lay 
in Miss Z's ' ' techni que with men ". Z customarily approached 
all males, including myself, in a manner effectively calculated 
to display and impress upon their attention her own bodily 
charms. Her approach was boldly stimulating but challeng- 
ing. She flaunted in a man's face, as it were, her irreproach- 


able virtue in abstaining from the jntimacies of love, but 
offered an unmistakeable challenge to the male to prove his 
superior emotional strength by inducing her to change this 
attitude of self-restraint. In short, Miss Z submitted her 
person rather freely to a man's inspection, thus evoking from 
him submission to the extent of fixing the man's attention 
inescapably upon her charms. At the same time, she bluntly 
and obviously asserted her superior strength in matters inter- 
sexual, thus evoking combined active inducement and domin- 
ance. The simultaneous occurrence of passive submission 
and active inducement constituted captivation emotion on 
the part of the male (mixed, of course, with the usual male 

Z challenged all males to inter-sexual combat, not realizing 
that the captivation response of the average male is inextricably 
mixed with dominance. When the superior dominance power 
of society, upon which Z initially relied to quell X's dominance, 
was removed, in the motor ride situation, Z suffered accord- 
ingly from X's released dominance. This is a world-old 
variety of inter-sex emotional response, which women habitu- 
ally refuse to understand. Their resistance to comprehending 
its true nature appears to lie in their reluctance to accept the 
fact already commented upon above, that women's dominance, 
under the inducement-for-appetite regime, is a borrowed power, 
attained from males who protect her from other males and from 
females stronger than herself. If she gives up this projection 
of second-hand strength attained by inducement, her own 
strength by itself is quickly overwhelmed by the male's 
superior dominance, physical and emotional. And it is 
difficult to find a male whose captivation emotion can be 
aroused to any considerable extent without an admixture of 
controlling dominance response. 

Such was the situation, it seems, in the case of Z and X. 
The nature of the stimulus furnished by Miss Z's behaviour 
is made even clearer by its contrast to the behaviour of Miss Y, 
who evoked neither dominance nor captivation response from 
X in the process of rejecting his advances, although Miss Y 
was fully as attractive, physically, as was Miss Z. Miss Y 
was a girl possessing a very unusual combination of dominance 
and love development. Her dominance was probably approxi- 
mately equal to that of X, with strong body development 
corresponding. Miss Y's response to persons of both sexes 

LOVE 297 

was predominately submissive, unless her dominance was 
aroused by selfish antagonism. Miss Y's treatment of X 
contained, apparently, little or no inducement. She submitted 
to his tastes and interests in conversation and companionship, 
yet when X showed a tendency toward the typical dominant 
captivation behaviour of a male, Miss Y responded to the 
antagonistic element in his behaviour with clear-cut, unyielding 
dominance response, and, aided by X's social training, evoked 
compliance from X rather than further captivation. In other 
words, Miss Y's quiet, decisive rejection of X impressed itself 
upon X as an environmental stimulus both antagonistic and 
stronger than himself, when coupled with social conventions, 
at least. At the same time Miss Y's submission tq X's tastes 
and interests evoked a rather pure type of inducement 
behaviour on X's part consisting of an evident desire to remain 
friends and enjoy Miss Y's companionship under conditions 
most agreeable to her. The contrast, in fact, between X's 
emotional reaction to Miss Z and to Miss Y produced almost a 
Jekyll and Hyde effect in X's personality, whenever these two 
divergent types of emotional response could be observed in 
sequence in X's behaviour. The contrast in emotional 
response, however, was not attributable to any peculiarity 
possessed by X, but rather to the extreme contrast between 
the two types of stimulus, each evoking its own predictable 
emotion. J 

Males Capturing Males Experience Dominance-Captivation 

Studies of college hazing and inter-class struggles between 
students were made by F. S. Keller 1 and myself in 1925-26. 
We found that nearly all the upper classmen gave a high 
rating of emotional pleasantness to dominance-captivation 
responses exercised toward freshmen. When a physical 
struggle between the upper class boy and a freshman preceded 
the capture of the latter, the strength and enjoyability of the 
dominance-captivation emotion experienced by the upper 
classman was greatly enhanced, in nearly all cases reported. 
The college traditions called for a series of physical struggles 
between sophomores and freshmen, during which each class 
attempted to keep their opponents from holding a class dinner. 
Upon any occasion when the boys of one class had reason 

1 These studies were made at Tufts College, Mass., where Mr. Keller 
is an instructor in Psychology. 


to suspect that their rivals planned tp hold their dinner, the 
method of procedure was to capture as many of the other 
class as possible, tie them up, and keep them thus bound or 
otherwise confined until after it was determined that no 
banquet couldf be held that day. If a member of the rival 
class captured wished to escape confinement, he could " sign 
off " by pledging, on his word of honour, not to attend his 
class banquet if any was held that day. 

A very small percentage, probably only one or two of the 
boys captured, submitted to confinement for any considerable 
period. They reported that they experienced no pleasure 
whatever once they were overcome and bound by their oppon- 
ents. After that it become a question of complying, either 
with the discomfort of their bonds, or with the humiliation of 
surrender involved in signing off. A large majority of both 
the victors and vanquished, however, reported that they 
experienced intensely pleasant dominance-captivation emotion 
during the struggle, up to the point where the issue of superi- 
ority was finally decided. 

The victors reported that their pleasure in captivation 
response increased even more during the process of binding 
and confining their opponents. They experienced much less 
pleasant captivation emotion on the whole, if an opponent 
signed off. There were a few boys whose dominance or com- 
pliance, depending upon the role played in the struggle, was 
so pronounced that no emotional element recognfrzed as 
captivation (or " subjection emotion ") could be introspec- 
tively observed. The behaviour of these boys, however, 
evidenced a considerable element of captivation response in 
the total emotional pattern. In this series of struggles it 
would seem that passive submission and active inducement were 
mutually evoked from one another by two males engaged in a 
bodily struggle, the object of which was not to injure the other boy 
or to remove him as an obstacle to success t but rather to capture 
his body by binding and confining it. 

This type of situation seems to present one of the strongest 
possible varieties of stimulus to captivation emotion. The 
fact that the dominance responses of male subjects failed 
wholly to suppress or inhibit captivation emotion in a majority 
of these subjects seems evidence that the stimulus situation 
was one operating selectively to evoke captivation emotion. 
The fact, also, that captivation response was evoked in rather 

LOVE 299 

pure form from a male ^ubject by another male, who acted 
as stimulus person, is evidence that captivation emotion is by 
no means limited to inter-sex relationships. 

Girls Punishing Girls Experience Captivation Emotion 

Studies of the emotions reported by sophomores and upper 
class girls during their annual punishment of the freshmen 
girls were made by Miss Olive Byrne and myself, during the 
academic year 1 925-1926. * It was the college custom for 
upper class girls to draw up a set of rules which freshmen 
girls were required 1o follow. These rules called for the usual 
restrictions of behaviour, wearing freshman buttons, and 
general yielding to the direction of the older girle. In the 
spring of the freshmen year, the sophomore girls held what 
was called " The Bab> Party ", which all freshmen girls were 
compelled to attend. At this affair, the freshmen girls were 
duly questioned as to their misdemeanors and punished for 
their disobediences and rebellions. The baby party was so 
named because the freshmen girls weie required to dress like 

At the party, the freshmen girls were put through various 
stunts under command of the sophomores. Upon one occasion, 
for instance, the freshmen girls were led into a dark corridor 
where their eyes were blindfolded, and their arms were bound 
behind them. Only one freshman at a time was taken through 
this coiridor along which sophomore guards were stationed 
at intervals. This arrangement was designed to impress the 
girls punished with the impossibility of escape from their 
captresses. After a series of harmless punishments, each girl 
was led into a large room where all the Junior and Senior 
girls were assembled. There she was sentenced to go through 
various exhibitions, supposed to be especially suitable to 
punish each particular girl's failures to submit to discipline 
imposed by the upper class girls. The sophomore girls carried 
long sticks with which to enforce, if necessary, the stunts 
which the freshmen were required to perform. While this 
programme did not call for a series of pre-arranged physical 
struggles between individual girls, as did the class banquet 
contest of the boys previously reported, frequent rebellion 
of the freshmen against the commands of their captresses and 

1 These studies were made at Jackson College, Mass., when Miss 
Byrne was a student there. 


guards furnished the most exciting ,porti on of the entertain- 
ment according to the report of a majority of the upper class 

Nearly all the sophomores reported excited pleasantness of 
captivation emotion throughout the party. The pleasantness 
of their captivation responses appeared to increase when they 
were obliged to overcome rebellious freshmen physically, or 
to induce them by repeated commands and added punishments 
to perform the actions from which the captive girls strove to 
escape. On the other hand, when a freshman occasionally 
cried, or showed signs of fear, her sophomore guards, in every 
instance, reported a feeling of unpleasantness, with emotions 
of " sympathy " and " feeling sorry for her ". They nearly 
always told the freshmen thus affected " not to be afraid ", 
and persuaded her to go on rather than compelling her to do so. 
(This behaviour is in marked contrast to male college hazers, 
who frequently treated with injurious violence a boy who 
weakened or " turned yellow "). 

From these studies of girls' reactions, it seemed evident 
that the strongest and most pleasant captivation emotion 
was experienced during a struggle with girls who were trying 
to escape from their captivity. A totally different type of 
love response was invariably evoked by indication of suffering 
or unpleasantness experienced by the captive. 

In the latter case, or when a girl submitted with complete 
docility, an almost pure inducement response was*' evoked 
from the older girl, with considerable admixture of active 
submission to the needs of the girl who was being punished. 
It seems probable that the costumes worn by the freshmen 
girls enhanced, considerably, both the passive submission 
and the active inducement emotions of the upper class girls 
although great reticence of introspective description, due to 
conventional suppressions, prevented this type of response 
from appearing with complete frankness in the reports received. 

On the whole, it would seem that the upper class girls 
experienced pure captivation emotion of great pleasantness. 
Little, if any, admixture of dominance could be detected in 
the reports, or in the observed behaviour of the girls toward 
their younger charges. While the struggle of the girl punished 
to escape her punishment by physically overcoming her 
captress apparently gave the strongest and most pleasant 
captivation response to both girls, there were many indications 

LOVE 301 

that captivation emotion was present at all times during the 
behaviour reported, ancf even before and after the Baby 
Party, in nearly as strong and pleasant a form as during the 
struggle situation. Perhaps a love hormone is operative in 
the female organism from early childhood, predisposing girls 
and women to captivation emotion by evoking passive sub- 
mission by intra-organic stimulation. Certainly this response 
appears in the behaviour and in the naive introspection of 
the girls studied in very much purer and more consistent 
form than in male responses to corresponding environmental 
stimulus situations. Female behaviour also contains still 
more evidence than male behaviour that captivation emotion 
is not limited to inter-sex relationships. The person of another 
girl seems to evoke from female subjects, under appropriate 
circumstances, fully as strong captivation response as does 
that of a male. 


In using the term passion to characterize passive love 
emotion, a word of caution is necessary. The term " passion ", 
in popular literature, is used indiscriminately to indicate 
captivation emotion, true passive love emotion, or a mixture 
of both. After obtaining introspection from several hundred 
subjects, I have discovered that " flaming passion " or " red 
passion ", or " crimson passion " are identifiable, for the most 
part, as^descriptions of captivation rather than passive love. 
Despite the pre-determined active emotional tone in the 
emotional states thus designated, however, there is always 
a considerable admixture of active submission in yielding to 
the lover. Since this emotional element is the principal 
characteristic of passive love, it justifies the conclusion that 
active and passive aspects of love in inter-sex relationships of 
the sort described are inextricably interwoven. 

Passion, then, in popular parlance, signifies a physical love 
emotion containing both active and passive elements but 
with the active element predominating. In this particular 
it seemed impossible to follow literary terminology. Cap- 
tivation emotion far more accurately characterizes active 
love than does the word " passion " ; whereas passion, when 
properly understood, suggests active submission of self to the 

With the terms thus defined, nine subjects out of ten find 


their introspective ability to observe and analyse their own 
love emotions greatly clarified. The fact must be remembered, 
however, that the term passion as herein used does not indicate 
love aggression or initiative. Nor is the emotion herein char- 
acterized as -passion associated customarily with the colour 

Passion in Behaviour of Young Children 

In a preceding section we have noted that passive love 
emotion combines, simultaneously, an explicit response of 
active submission to an inducer with implicit reaction of 
passive inducement toward the same person. The behaviour 
previously analysed, however, was infant behaviour, con- 
sequently " no introspection was available to enable us to 
characterize the emotional consciousness containing these two 
compounded primary emotional elements. We must now 
consider, therefore, responses of both sexes at more mature 
ages, in order to determine the conscious aspect of passive love. 

Children of both sexes, between the ages of two and five, 
give evidence of a mild degree of passion as a natural response 
to the mother or nurse. Children of this age are usually able 
to indicate, by short words and by inarticulate vocal ex- 
pressions, the general trend of their consciousness. Upon 
being caressed physically by the mother, in the various ways 
already mentioned, children frequently cling tightly to the 
mother, emitting slight gasps, or sometimes panting, gently, 
in a manner by no means dissimilar to adult passion in inter- 
sex relationships. Adoration of the mother is frequently 
expressed in monosyllabilic words, smiles, apparently indicative 
of marked absorption in the mother as a controlling stimulus, 
and in gently rhythmic movements of hands and forearms. 

At a somewhat older age, when the vocabulary is increased, 
the child may say " Mama is pretty ", or " I love mama ", 
and other phrases seemingly expressive of spontaneous and 
wholly submissive type of love response for the mother. 
Clearly there exists active submission response to the mother 
as a determining emotional factor, compounded with the 
passive inducement attitude already described. These passive 
love responses are recognized by many psycho-analysts as 
possessing the conscious characteristic of passion, and are, 
accordingly, consigned to that limbo of abnormality in which 
dpminantly perverted males are wont to besmudge normal 

LOVE 303 

love emotions with appetitive excreta. While acknowledging 
the accuracy of this particular psycho-analytical finding, 
I cannot too strongly state my own finding that passion felt 
by children of both sexes toward the mother is a natural and 
wholly desirable type of love response. In fact,, if passion in 
some degree is not evoked by the mother from her children, 
prior to the age of five or six years, the children's development 
is initiated under a very serious handicap. It is extremely 
unlikely under conditions prescribed by our present civilization, 
that opportunity for development of pure passion in a male 
child will again be obtained during the entire subsequent life 
of the individual. 

Captivation Is Spontaneous Element in Girls' Behaviour, Not 


Girls of five or six years, or older, are quite likely to ex- 
perience passive love for other girls of similar age, with or 
without mutual stimulation of the genital organs, as the case 
may be. This type of passion experience does not appear 
to be attributable so much to the existence of intra-organic 
stimulation to passion on the part of either child, as to the 
spontaneous expression of captivation behaviour by one or 
the other girl, with subsequent yielding on the part of the 
girl captivated. At least two completed love affairs of this 
type between girls five to seven years old have been brought 
to my Attention. In both cases the children were wholly 
normal so far as could be determined by medical and psycho- 
logical examination. 

Though I have not had the opportunity, thus far, to make 
an extensive compilation of cases on this point, it seems to 
be current opinion among workers having physical charge of 
children whom I have been able to consult, that relationships 
of this sort between girls, are the rule rather than the excep- 
tion in the absence of prior teaching of prohibitive variety. 
Passion thus aroused in little girls by other little girls clearly 
possesses the typical emotional tone of passive love, with 
ardent submission to the inducer girl, and complete absorp- 
tion in the charms of her companionship. Frequently groups 
of three or more girls, five to seven years old, become love 
associated, spontaneously, in such relationships. Two aspects 
of such responses seem deleterious. First, the secrecy en- 
forced upon this type of conduct by prohibitive attitudes on 


the part of parents or teachers. Secondly, the ignorance and 
crudity of the inducement stirmllation (whether genital 
organs are stimulated or not) which the inducer girl is likely 
to administer. I have not discovered anything but normal 
female emotional development in this spontaneous arising 
of the captivation-passion relationship. 

Passion Easily Evoked by One Girl From Other Girls 

The " crush ", normally experienced by girls of adolescent 
age and older, for other girls, or for teachers and older women, 
is too well recognized a phenomenon to require especial des- 
cription. The girl who " has a crush on another girl " ex- 
hibits a singularly intense and absorbing passion emotion 
toward her inamorata. In one instance a number of young 
girls between the ages of fourteen and seventeen " had crushes 
on " another girl in the same school. 

The girl stimulus to passion was eighteen years old. She 
was pale, thin, wore her hair in a curiously distinctive fashion, 
and habitually " toed-in " while walking. " She isn't exactly 
pretty ", as one of the girl admirers told me, " but she is just 
charming ". " She seems to want people, and to draw every- 
body right to her ", an apt description of the older girl's 
captivation influence as felt by one of her " captives ". The 
active submission responses of the latter were interestingly 
complete. The girls who had " crushes " on Yvette all began 
to " toe-in ". They arranged their hair as nearly like.XVette's 
as possible, and began to practice drawing assiduously, since 
Yvette had unmistakable artistic talent. Not satisfied with 
these submissions, Yvette 's admirers sat up late at night 
in order to make themselves as pale as the girl who captivated 

Yvette did not limit her captivations by any means to mem- 
bers of her own sex, but was accustomed to slip out at night 
to meet boys who were also in love with her. Much as the 
younger girls vied with each other for the attentions of the 
very youths whom Yvette attached to herself, they did not 
show the slightest jealousy of Yvette's conquests. They 
helped her in every way to meet these boys illicitly, and 
" thought it was so brave of her " to carry on these clandestine 
affairs. In the case of Yvette and her girl lovers there seems 
little doubt that passion emotion of unusually intense and 
enduring type was evoked by one girl from many other girls 

LOVE 305 

only slightly younger than herself, without any bodily contact 
or genital organ stimulation. 

Study of Passion in Inter-Class Relationships of College Girls 
In order to examine t me possible existence of passion emotion 
in the Baby Party situation, Miss L. F. Glidden, of Jackson 
College, made a study under my direction of the attitudes 
of her class mates toward the treatment they had received 
from the older girls. At the time this study was made, the 
girls questioned were sophomores. They had completed their 
own period of submission to the sophomores at the Baby 
Party the preceding spring, and had been actively engaged in 
disciplining girls of the incoming freshman class for about 
two months. The girls questioned, however, had -never been 
present at a Baby Party where they were captresses, so that 
there could have been no transfer of feeling, retrospectively, 
from one Baby Party to the other. The attempt was made 
to determine each girl's attitude toward the submission 
training of freshmen by sophomores when she herself was a 
sophomore, as well as her remembered attitude toward the 
sophomores while she was under their control the preceding 
year. Miss Glidden was instructed to approach her class- 
mates with whom, of course, she was on intimate terms, with- 
out allowing them to discover that she was making a psycho- 
logical study. This instruction was carried out rather 

The girls were asked, (i) Whether they had enjoyed the 
Baby Party when they were freshmen. They were then 
asked to rate the degree of pleasantness which they exper- 
ienced during their own captivity on a scale where ten repre- 
sented the greatest possible pleasantness, and zero indicated 
indifference. (2) The girls were asked what their attitude 
had been toward the sophomores whom they had been required 
to serve and to obey in various ways during the preceding 
year. (3) The girls were asked whether they approved and 
enjoyed the submission training of freshmen which they as 
sophomores were then engaged in. (4) Each girl was asked 
whether she submitted voluntarily to men or to women. 
(5) Each girl was asked to state whether, if she had her 
choice, she would elect to be an unhappy master or a happy 
slave. The answers to these questions together with any 
pertinent introspections were duly recorded by Miss Glidden, 
The tabulated results are presented in Figure 4, which follows. 




Pleasantness Enjoyed being Enjoys subjecting Submits to 
Subject rating of Baby subjected by Freshmen ? man or 

Party t Sophomores ? woman 

1. 10 Yes. Thoroughly. Both. 

2. i No. Decidedly not. Neither. 

3. i Yes. Silly thing, Both. 

but fun. 

4. Yes,iftheSopho- Yes. Men. 

mores are friends. 

5. 9 Yes. Yes. Women. 

6. No. Nuisance. Ne- Neither. 

cessary evil. 

Didn't mind Yes. 

8. Paid no attention No. All men. Two 

to them. girls. 

9. Recognized their Yes. Neither, 


Didn't mind Yes. Both (at her 


Hated it. Yes. Men. 

12. 6 Liked it. " The bunk." 

13. 5 Yes. Yes. Women, and 

men if they 
prove they're 

14. 9 Didn't mind. Necessary. Neither. 

15- Willing to do Necessary evil. Both, if older, 

things to please 

LOVE 307 



Choice of unhappy 
master (M) , or 
happy slave (S) . 




" Big kick " from b.p. 1 Dislikes intensely 
idea of subjection. 



B p. was terrible. Dislikes Sophomores. 

Likes power. 

S. No fun at b p. because not subjected. 

Likes to serve whom she loves. 

4. Hated b.p. because made ridiculous. 

5. " Big kick " out of obeying Sophomores. 

6. M. Watched b.p. from side-lines. Got a 

" thrill " out of seeing others subjected. 

Prefers happiness at any cost. Had wonder- 
ful time at b.p., but not pleasantest thing 
imaginable since engaged at the time. 

8. M. Took no notice cf Sophomores. No " kick " 

out of b.p. because could see under blindfold. 
Big joke. 

M. Liked to tell friends about her subjection. 

Hated making speech at b.p. Can't stand 


S. B.p. too " tame ". Burnt her arm on 

radiator pipe. Must have happiness, and 
can get it by serving others. 

S. Likes to boss the freshmen. Likes being 

bossed. Can conceive of being a slave. 

13. S. No thrill out of doing stunts. Wanted to 

appear indifferent. 

S. As an upper classman, loves to subject 

freshmen. Enjoyed showing off at b.p. 
Hates submission. Hates unhappiness. 

15. S. There is happiness in service. 

Baby Party. 



Pleasantness Enjoyed being Enjoys subjecting Submits to 
Subject rating of Baby subjected by Frebhmen ? man or 


Sophomores ? 










As a matter 
of course. 

Yes, in moder- 







Hated it. 


2 Willing. 




" Bunk." 





All men and a 
few girls. 






8 Yes, with reser- 




Hated it. 


One man and 
One woman. 

2 7 . 

Didn't like it. 




Didn't like it. 




8 Hated it. 



Hated to be 




Median. . 7 Yes . . 14 
Modes . . . 91,0 No ... 1 1 

Yes.... 20 
No .... 7 

Men ... 17 
Women 12 

LOVE 309 


Choice of unhappy 

Subject master (M), or Introspection 

happy slave (S). 

16. M. Hates to submit to anybody. 

17. S. Liked b.p. Enjoyed being ordered around. 

As upper classman, wants freshmen to 
submit to her. Chooses between happy 
and unhappy. 

iS, S, B.p. pretty good. Do not allow subjection 

by anyone. 

19. S. As upper classman, indifferent to freshmen 

20. M. Will do things for friend as great favour. 

Wants no favours done for her. 

21. S. B.p. silly and childish. 

22. M. Made to do reducing exercises at b.p. Felt 

she was being ridiculed. 

23. S. Will willingly do things for girls on whom 

she has " crushes." 

24. M. Doesn't require much of freshmen as upper- 


S. B p. was great. Liked being ordered 

around. Hates idea of subjection. 

M. Would be unhappy as slave so why not 

have power. 

27. S. Likes own way. 

28. S. As upper classman likes to " wield a high 

hand " over freshmen. 

29. S. Likes to subject others to her " will ". 

Had good time at b.p. Put something over 
on sophs. Likes power but happiness more. 

30. S. Enjoyed b.p. immensely. Likes to " boss " 

freshmen. Conscience would trouble her 
if she were an unhappy master. 

Totals 18 . . S. 
10 .. M. 


The reliability of this study depends rather upon the 
intimacy of contact by which the self-observations were 
obtained, than upon statistical analysis of the results. Not 
only was Miss Glidden able to win confidence, as a friend, 
in obtaining Her classmates' reports, but the girls questioned 
also knew that their questioner had considerable knowledge 
of their behaviour and general attitudes in the matters under 
discussion. It is my own opinion, in light of this factor, 
that less deception, conscious, or " subconscious ", was 
practised in reporting these self observations to Miss Glidden, 
than is to be found in the usual study of this type. 

The central tendency in pleasantness rating or emotion 
experienced during captivity at the Baby Party appears to 
be about 7. Several girls refused to give a pleasantness 
rating, evidencing a good deal of supression in regard to 
their emotions while captives. It is interesting to note that 
more girls gave their enjoyment of captivity at 9 and 10, 
than any other value, indicating greatest pleasantness. 
It is also interesting to observe that whereas only fourteen 
girls frankly acknowledged their enjoyment of submission 
to the sophomores throughout the year, twenty girls assorted 
their pleasure in making the freshmen submissive to them. 
Though seventeen girls acknowledged a general attitude of 
submission to men as against twelve who willingly submitted 
to women, it seems rather probable that what is thought of 
as " submission to men ", in many cases at least, is not sub- 
mission at all, but inducement. It seems to be true, however, 
as we have already suggested, that women are trained 
systematically under the existing social regime, to use both 
inducement and submission responses as methods of obtaining 
appetitive benefits from males. 

The significance of the " happy slave unhappy master " 
choice is somewhat doubtful. The query was intended to 
bring out suppressed willingness to be a slave, which might 
not be elicited in reported self-observations of actual ex- 
periences (at Baby Party, etc.). The enjoyment of being 
made captive seemed to be acknowledged much more frankly, 
on the whole, than was anticipated. It is a curious result 
that of the girls who rated their enjoyment of captivity at 
10, two also elected to be an unhappy master rather than a 
happy slave. Does this indicate, perhaps, that these girls 
frankly admitted maximal enjoyment of being made captive, 

LOVE 311 

when their captivity was not labelled, or characterized in 
such a way that they 'became conscious of its real nature, 
while their social inhibitions immediately became operative 
upon hearing the word " slave " ? Some verification of 
tnis suggestion may be obtained from the introspection of 
subject number i, who rated her enjoyment of the Baby 
Party at 10, and reported that she got a " big kick," emotion- 
ally, from the punishment she received from the sophomores, 
yet stated that she disliked intensely the idea of subjection. 

Another distinction which appears in some of the detailed 
introspections which there is not room for in the table above, 
is the possible difference of interpretation in the word 
" master " and " slave ". Were it not for the fact that the 
word " mistress " has acquired a definite tabooed social con- 
notation, it would probably be preferable to the word 
" master " in studies of this sort, since " master " is inter- 
preted by many subjects to mean a person who uses dominance 
to compel others to serve his own selfish appetitive purposes. 
The word " slave " by itself would tend to be interpreted 
more frequently, by girls at least, as meaning " love slave " 
rather than appetitive slave. But when " slave " is used 
in contrast to " master ", it may assume a more appetitive 
interpretation. Some girls who thus understood the meaning 
of slave insisted, quite rightly, that there could be no such 
thing as a "happy slave " to another person's selfish domi- 
nance.* In general, a marked divergence of attitude was 
found as between a girl's submitting to a person because 
she loved her, and enjoyed doing it, and submitting to a 
person (like certain types of house matron and disciplinary 
official) who were felt to be subjecting the girl to further 
their own dominance or appetitive convenience. This dis- 
tinction corresponds precisely to the difference between 
true submission-passion response, and unpleasant or in- 
different compliance reaction. 

Conclusions From Study 

Our conclusions from the study reported above, were, 
first, that about three-fourths of the girls physically made 
captive to other girls at the Baby Party experienced pure, 
pleasant passion emotion, consisting of active submission 
to the older girls who were subjecting them compounded 
with passive inducement toward these same girls. The 


passive inducement response appeared in such actions as a 
girl's holding out her hands to show that her bonds had 
become loose. The lessening of enjoyment when a girl sub- 
mitted without calling her guard's attention to her lack of 
sufficient bonds may be noted in the introspection of subject 
8, who said she " got no kick out of the Baby Party because 
I could see under my blindfold ". This girl's inhibition of 
passive inducement, essential to passion emotion, is further 
evidenced by her statement that she " took no notice of the 
sophomores ". 

Secondly, we concluded that a much more dilute type 
of passion response, if any, was evoked, in a majority of the 
girls, throughout the freshmen year, when they were required 
to run personal errands, and otherwise appetitively serve 
their sophomore " superiors ". Dominance response, under 
these circumstances, was evoked from the freshmen at least 
as frequently as was submission ; and the actual service was 
frequently performed with a consciousness of compliance. 

Thirdly, we concluded that passion emotion could be evoked 
from one girl by another girl whom she was compelled to 
obey, when, and if, the subjecting girl made her commands 
felt as inducement rather than as dominance, and revealed 
no possibility of ultimate self-seeking in what she required 
the other girl to do. In other words, the captivating girl 
in order to be an adequate stimulus to passion emotion, must 
ally herself with her captive completely, yet at tho same 
time constantly increase the submissive one's captivity. A 
freshman girl reported herself as feeling pleasant passion 
emotion when compelled to kiss the feet of a girl whom she 
liked. But this same girl took a large amount of extra 
punishment rather than shine the shoes of an older girl whom 
she thought selfish. 


In summary, we may say that passion or passive love 
emotion consists of simultaneous compounding of the primary 
emotional response of active submission, evoked by an inducer 
person, and passive inducement evoked by the same person 
as a corollary to active submission. 

The conscious emotional characteristic of passion emotion 
appears to be an extremely pleasant feeling of being subjected 

LOVE 313 

and being made more and more helpless in the hands of an 
allied stimulus person of superior strength. 

It seems undoubtedly to be the fact that girls, acting as 
inducers, can evoke intense and very pleasant passion emotion 
from all normal and well-balanced girls who appropriate 
strength relationship to themselves without administering 
genital organ stimulation directly or indirectly. 

Development of Passion Emotion In Males 

The situation with respect to the passion emotion of boys 
and young men is quite different from that obtaining among 
girls, so far as my own studies indicate. If we waive dis- 
cussion of the " Oedipus complex " and " mother^ fixations " 
there is little to indicate, so far as the literature or my own 
studies reveal, that true passion response is evoked from a 
majority of normal males up to the time when inter-sex 
relationships occur, with consequent stimulation of the ex- 
ternal genitals (discussed in next chapter). 

There is little doubt but that captivation response occurs 
frequently in the behaviour of young males, largely mixed 
with and controlled by dominance. It is probably this 
dominance element in the older and stronger boys which 
makes the younger boy suffer physical pain, and emotional 
unpleasantness, rather than evoking from him the extremely 
pleasant passion emotion experienced by normal girls five 
years ci age or older, in response to the captivation behaviour 
of other girls. 

The boy's mother, of course, while she remains stronger 
than himself physically, is able to evoke this passion, as 
already noted, without stimulation of the genital organs. It 
is probably because no other substitute stimulus to passion 
is apt to appear in the average boy's life between the time 
for normal waning of this mother-child relationship, and the 
normal period for assuming genital organ relationships with 
the other sex, that the so-called mother fixation frequently 
occurs. The really detrimental aspect of such fixations, 
in the few instances I have been able to observe, seems to be 
the marked dissociation between the passion evoked by the 
mother, and the passion evoked by stimulation of the external 
genitals later in life, by a woman to whom the male normally 
submits after sexual maturity. The real " resistance " 
appears to me to consist of a failure to associate the pleasant 


passion originally experienced with the so-called erotic stimu- 
lation later received. A positive inhibitory barrier between 
these two psychical elements seems frequently to develop 
in the central nervous system. 

This might, of course, be prevented by social sanction of 
genital organ stimulation by the mother. In the few cases 
which have come to my attention wherein early passion for 
the mother appeared to act as a barrier to subsequent passion- 
ate surrender to wife or mistress, the youth concerned had 
never received genital organ stimulation from a nurse-maid, 
or other female with whom he had come into contact during 
his boyhood. In one case of a youth who suffered from 
inability to reinstate, by way of genital organ stimulation, 
the passion experienced in early life toward his mother, the 
boy had been stimulated forcibly by older boys, and had 
suffered physical pain and emotional shame (really a conflict 
between thwarted dominance and submission) in consequence. 
Intensely unpleasant emotional experiences of this type serve 
further to reinforce the inhibitory barrier already existing 
between passion emotion and " erotic " sensations. 

Women's Strength Insufficient to Evoke Passion from Some 


There is a certain type of youth who, during later adoles- 
cence, appears spontaneously to develop emotional longing 
to be captivated. This type of male frequently fails to find 
any female who possesses sufficient strength, physical or 
emotional, to subject him adequately. Under such circum- 
stances, this type of male may gain considerable passion 
experience from subjections imposed upon him by maleo 
superior to himself, despite the dominance which these males 
inevitably express toward him, along with their captivation 

One boy of this type who was severely bullied as a freshman, 
reported to me frankly that he enjoyed the experience very 
greatly. This youth was quite naive in his report, intro- 
specting an almost pure passion response toward his sopho- 
more subjectors. For some reason this boy had transferred 
to the college where I was teaching at that time, at the begin- 
ning of his second year, and was obliged to accept freshman 
standing again because of insufficient credits for studies 
previously completed. When he discovered that the hazing 

LOVE 315 

to which he was subjected was not nearly as severe as that 
previously experienced, he expressed very strong disappoint- 
ment, and criticized the college administration with evident 
bitterness for their regulations minimizing discipline of fresh- 
men by sophomores. Other boys of this same type have been 
largely influenced, I believe, in choosing to attend military 
academy rather than college, by expectation of enjoyment 
in being subjected to rigid discipline throughout the entire 
four years' course. 

Study of Passion In Inter-Class Relationships of College Men 

Emotional studies indicate, however, that this type of male 
youth, who is able to experience pleasant passion emotion 
toward superior males despite injuries and suffering of various 
sorts which he must endure, incidently, at their hands, repre- 
sents a comparatively small proportion of the male youth of 
this country. F. S. Keller made a study of the attitude of 
freshmen boys toward their sophomore subjectors, corres- 
ponding exactly in form and subject matter to the study 
made by Miss Glidden. The results, however, were largely 
negative. Only one or two boys gave reliable evidence of 
pleasant passion emotion evoked by sophomores either during 
enforcement of freshmen " traditions ", throughout the year, 
or at the special parties where the freshmen boys were 
" paddled " and otherwise painfully punished. All but one 
or two* expressed decided preference for being an "unhappy 
master " rather than a " happy slave ", and none of the boys 
questioned expressed a spontaneous wish to submit either 
to men or women. Nearly all, on the other hand, expressed 
their belief in the necessity of compliance with their superiors. 

In one especial type of situation imposed by the sophomores 
upon the freshmen boys more evidence of passion emotion 
was found than in other situations. This occurred when the 
boys were compelled by the sophomores to march in their 
pyjamas before one of the girls' dormitories, where they were 
put through various exhibitions and stunts, to the great 
excitement of the girls, who watched the performance from 
dormitory windows. In this situation, marked conflicts 
seemed to appear in the consciousness of the boys hazed, 
between passion emotion seemingly evoked by the girl specta- 
tors, and thwarted dominance felt toward their male oppres- 
sors, the sophomores. The latter unmistakably prevailed, 


however, and several of the freshmen violently broke away 
from the sophomore guards. It seemed quite predictable, 
from the self observations of the freshmen boys, that they 
would have greatly enjoyed a fairly pure type of passion 
emotion had the actual captors who exerted the superior force 
over them been girls rather than other males. The normal 
boy seems to have learned to regard other males as funda- 
mentally inimical to his interests, while girls, though they 
may be treated with pretended scorn and disfavour, are 
fundamentally regarded as friendly and loving. 

Conclusions From Study 

Our general conclusions in the study cited were : 

(1) That pure passion emotion could seldom, if ever, be 
elicited from one normal male by another, within the group 
of college boys studied. 

(2) That strong passion emotion could be evoked from a 
majority of the boys studied by girls who made the boys 
captive in the same way they treated the freshman girls, 
provided that girls could be found of sufficient strength, 
emotional or physical, to impress themselves upon the male 
subjects, by inducement as superior to the males, without 
evoking their dominance. 


In general, it seems fair to summarize the passion emotion 
of the male sex as not evokable by other males, in the absence 
of genital organ stimulation. This conclusion may be quali- 
fied by reference to the type of males previously alluded to, 
whose passion emotion development is sufficiently strong to 
permit passion to persist under military, or other subjections 
by superior males, despite the preponderance of dominance 
behaviour indulged in by such male sub jec tors. 


IN view of the foregoing analysis showing the occurrence of 
both captivation and passion responses without environmental 
stimulation of the genital organs, it seems hardly necessary 
to emphasize the fact that these organs are not to be regarded 
as the sole source of the love responses. Captivation and 
passion are compound types of integrations which may be 
evoked by various types of adequate stimuli. The genital 
organs, however, seem especially designed to bring about love 
integrations, just as the digestive organs are especially designed 
to bring about the proper integrative pattern of appetite 
emotion. The genital organs also serve, very probably, as 
circular reinforcing mechanisms for love excitement having 
its origin in receptors totally different from those located in 
the genital organs themselves. It is possible that motor 
discharge from the compound emotions of captivation and 
passion may find its way toward internal and external genitals 
in certain fixed proportions, just as it is possible that motor 
discharge from desire and satisfaction may always find its 
way to the alimentary canal and skeletal muscles of appetite, 
in certain fixed proportions of volume of discharge. But these 
possibilities both require experimental proof before formu- 
lation even of tentative hypotheses. In any event, the genital 
organs, like the digestive mechanisms, are to be regarded as 
natural, automatic teachers of the compound emotional responses 
which they are suited to initiate. That the genital organs are 
equipped automatically to evoke captivation and submission 
emotions can be made clear by a brief consideration of the 
structures and functions of these mechanisms after sexual 
maturity of the individual. Both sexes possess two sets of 
genital organs, internal and external. 

Genital Organ Mechanisms 

The penis is the only strictly external genital organ of the 
male, the testes, and their appurtenant structures being 


classified as internal genitals, though actually outside the 
sexually mature male body. The internal genital organs of 
the female begin, properly speaking, at the mouth of the vagina. 
There seems to be a great deal of ignorance, especially among 
women, concerning the nature and functioning of the female 
clitoris, which nevertheless corresponds precisely in psychical 
function to the penis of the male. Some speculative theories 
of biological evolution have assumed that the female clitoris 
is a relic of a bisexual condition of the race, which the present 
human body structure has developed away from. Whatever 
the historical aspect of the matter may be, psycho-neural 
results of clitoral stimulation seem to be identical with those 
produced by stimulation of the external genital organ of the 
male. Furthermore, though the fact seems little known, the 
clitoris of one woman may be stimulated nearly as effectively 
by the vulva of another woman, as can the penis of a male 
with the vagina of the female. The female emotion resulting 
from stimulation of the clitoris by another woman (as apparent 
in the behaviour of women prisoners) seems fully as extensive 
as the male emotion resulting from stimulation of the penis. 
In this type of physical relationship, both women most 
frequently experience simultaneous stimulation of the clitoris 
with appropriate emotional states following. Neither woman, 
of course, receives stimulation of the mouth of the vagina. 

Langley and Anderson arrived at an apparently accurate 
description of the inn ervat ions of the internal and external 
genital organs as early as 1895. * In both male and female the 
external genital organs are innervated mainly through the nervi 
erigentes while the internal genitals are innervated through 
sympathetic rather than sacral fibres. Though Cannon and 
others have emphasized the reciprocal antagonism existing 
between the sympathetic branch of the autonomic nervous 
system and the sacral division of the same system, Langley 
staced in one of his most comprehensive articles defending the 
concept of the autonomic nervous system, which was originated 
by himself, that absolute or complete reciprocal antagonisms 
between the innervations of the central and end branches of 
the autonomic did not in fact exist. 2 

1 J. N. Langley and H. K. Anderson, " The Innervation of the Pelvic 
and Adjoining Viscera," Journal of Physiology, 1895, vol. 19, p. 85. 

1 J. N. Langley, " Sympathetic and Other Related Systems of 
Nerves," Schafer's Textbook of Physiology, 1900, vol. 2, pp. 616-697. 


Motor Self Simultaneously Energizes Internal and External 

The most casual observations of so-called sexual behaviour 
in animals shows that an extraordinary amount of activity 
of the skeletal muscles may be indulged in by the male animal 
in seeking the female, and in getting himself accepted by her, 
with complete erection of the penis persisting throughout this 
period of marked skeletal muscular activity. Since the skeletal 
muscles, to be active, must be supplied with an added amount 
of blood through the mediation of the sympathetic impulses, 
we know that portions, at least, of the sympathetic system 
must be co-active with similarly increased discharge through 
the sacral nervi erigentes. Moreover, blood pressure c and pulse 
measurements taken upon human subjects throughout sexual 
intercourse reveal that a rise of systolic blood pressure, indi- 
cating increased strength of the heart beat produced by 
sympathetic impulses, proceeds, during certain phases of love 
behaviour, pari passu with increased determination of blood 
to the external genital organs brought about by sacral inner- 

This simultaneous increase of both sympathetic and sacral 
motor discharge is to be contrasted with the decrease of the 
sympathetic impulses to the blood vessels of the arm at the 
height of hunger pangs apparently simultaneously with the 
successful cranial discharge to the salivary glands and through 
vagus channels to the heart. From this we may conclude 
that, whereas the normal tonic balance of the organism 
maintained by the motor self calls for a marked preponderance 
of sympathetic over cranial motor discharge of tonic nature, this 
same reflex balance maintained by the motor self calls for a 
simultaneous and allied discharge through sympathetic channels 
to the internal genitals and through the sacral efferent paths to 
the external genital organs. The usual tonic condition of the 
organism, aside from inhibitory influences of the cortex, 
probably would maintain a slight preponderance of motor 
discharge to the internal genital organs as contrasted with the 
motor discharge to the external genital organs, since the latter 
are not found in a state of erection except as a result of special 

All Motor Stimuli Activating Genitals Are Allied 
If this analysis of the balance maintained by the motor self 


between internal and external genitals is correct, any motor 
stimulus which tended to seek outlet either in the internal 
or external genital organs would be allied to the motor self. 
Motor stimuli which tended to enhance motor discharge to 
the internal genital organs however, would be in a relationship 
of submission to the usual balance maintained within the 
motor self. // the motor self increased for the purpose of com- 
pelling these motor stimuli to follow efferent paths to the internal 
genital organs, this reaction would coincide with the proposed 
definition of the primary emotional response of inducement. 

If, on the other hand, a motor stimulus tended to find a path 
of efferent discharge toward the external genital organs, it 
would be regarded as in a relationship of inducement to the 
motor sell. // the motor self decreased to permit additional 
external genital excitement by the motor stimulus then the reaction 
would be described as a primary emotional response of submission . 

No Cyclic Love Stimulus in Male Organism 
With the meaning of motor stimuli in relation to the motor 
self thus analysed, we may proceed to discover, if possible, 
the sequence of integrations between motor self and motor 
stimuli which occur in the course of inter-sex love behaviour. 
A number of physiological researchers have endeavoured, in 
vain, to discover the symptoms of a spontaneous cycle of intra- 
organic love stimulation in the male, comparable in any way 
to the menstrual cycle of woman. Males seem to possess no 
such automatic stimulatory mechanism for initiation of love 
behaviour as the menses in human females, or periods of heat 
in females of various higher animal species. It seems to be 
true that during adolescence boys may experience uncon- 
trolled excitement especially in the external genital organs, 
with erection of the latter not attributable to any external 
stimulation. After sexual maturity, however, such occurences 
seem very rare with the normal male. 

Attempts have been made by various authors to establish 
intra-organic causes for the initiation of love excitement in 
males such as distention of the seminal vesicles, or even 
urination. But during my own studies I have found not the 
slightest evidence of the cyclic operation of any such stimuli 
inducing spontaneous male excitement. Instances of this 
sort, when they do occur, seem to me possibly traceable (as 
I have actually traced them in several cases) to previous 


sensory stimulation with erotic environmental stimuli. The 
love excitement which occurs normally in many men during 
sleep, also seems attributable to previous erotic stimulation, 
motor discharge from which has been inhibited during waking 
hours. Such nocturnal periods of love excitement occur just 
as frequently with young women subjects as with males, and 
cannot, therefore, be attributed to any secondary sexual 
hormone peculiar to the male sex. What these occasional 
spontaneous erections of the external genital organs do show, 
I believe, is that the tonic balance normally maintained by 
the motor self is so evenly distributed between internal and 
external genitals, that a slight dimunition of inhibitory influ- 
ence from the cortex (as during sleep) may bring about a 
shifting of the balance, if there is only a slight amount of 
dammed up motor energy, previously evoked by erotic 
stimuli, which has not been completely discharged during the 
preceding waking period. My own conclusion is that adult 
males do not possess any automatic intra-organic stimulus 
mechanism, appearing without any connection with erotic 
environmental stimuli previously experienced. So far as I 
have been able to determine, the normal male, after sexual 
maturity, at least, must depend upon external stimulation 
which includes, of course, ideas and remembered sensations 
or " images ", to evoke from him either captivation or passion 

Love Stimulus Cycle in Women 

With girls and women, however, we find an entirely different 
situation. Reports from at least fifty female subjects reveal 
marked accession of love excitement before the menstrual 
period, or just following it, or at both times. A small number 
of cases, studied carefully, reveal a certain difference between 
the love excitement in the period just before the menstrual 
period, and the love emotion during the interval following 
it. (During the period itself there may also be love excitement 
but since this usually finds no expression in effecting inter-sex 
relationships, it may be disregarded for the moment.) The 
stimulation which must be going on in the internal genital 
organs just prior to the menstrual period, due to the growth 
and maturation of the Graafian follicle, and also to the tissue 
changes in the uterus, and determination of blood to the entire 
internal genital organ tract, appears to result in a more 



restless and intensely aggressive type of love seeking than that 
immediately following the period. 

plaS Evoked During Menses (?) 

Immediately following the menstrual period, the love 
seeking behaviour of the female seems, in the cases mentioned, 
to contain a larger element of submission. Love excitement 
at this time is introspectively reported as more pervasive and 
voluminous than before the period. The evidence indicates 
that at both times (as well as throughout the period in many 
cases) motor stimuli are evoked which tend to follow efferent 
paths toward both internal and external genitals. The pres- 
ence of the latter can easily be detected by observing the con- 
dition of the clitoris, vulva, and sometimes marked alteration 
in the output of the vulvo-vaginal glands. Following the 
period, the general nature of the love excitement, in some 
cases, at least, indicates that there is a greater proportion of 
external genital excitement than exists prior to the period. The 
indications seem to be that this external genital excitement 
following the period is in the nature of an after discharge from 
still greater external genital excitement during the period 
itself. In some cases, careful self observations clearly revealed 
the fact that this excitement of the external genitals was 
noticably increased, during the menstrual period itself by the 
wearing of a pad which stimulates the clitoris mechanically. 
External excitement seems, then, normally, to be in*prepon- 
derance over motor discharge to the internal genitals during 
the period itself. The menstrual period, on this analysis, 
would be a period of passive love (plaS). 

alpS Follows Menstrual Period 

Assuming, then, that the total menstrual stimulation results 
in enhancement of motor discharge to both internal and 
external genitals, but preponderantly to the latter, we may 
analyse the primary emotional responses evoked without 
difficulty. Motor stimuli of both submissive (to internal 
genitals) and inductive (to external genitals) types appear to 
be evoked. The overt response of the organism, consisting 
of obviously increased love restlessness, motor energy, and 
excitement, evidences a marked increase in the strength of 
the motor self. Since this increase of the motor self appears 
to represent the total algebraic sum of it3 reaction to the 


stimuli imposed, we iqay assume that a response of active 
inducement predominates. 

Yet this active inducement cannot restore the initial reflex 
balance of the organism, since it is evident that a considerable 
mass of motor discharge is still winning its way*to the external 
genital organs. Toward the stimuli responsible for this 
discharge, therefore, the motor self is in a state of passive 
submission response. 

Female Seeks Male 

It will be remembered that hunger pangs evoke motor 
stimuli rendering the organism incapable of response to any 
type of environmental stimulus save food. Food, in this case, 
represented an environmental stimulus stronger than the 
hunger pangs but weaker than the organism. The subject 
could, therefore, dominate food at the same time that he 
complied passively with the hunger pangs. The love response 
situation brought about by motor stimuli evoked by the 
menstrual period is identical with this appetitive stimulus 
situation with respect to the general method by which it 
compels the organism to react in a prescribed manner to one 
type of stimulus only. Following her menstrual period, a 
woman is forced to seek a male, since the body structure of a 
male enables the woman to respond to him with active induce- 
ment ; while at the same time she is responding with passive 
submission to a portion of the menstrual period stimuli. Just 
as the food could be dominated by the hungry subject, because 
the food would in turn dominate the hunger pangs which had 
proved stronger than the subject, so in the love stimulus 
situation the woman is able actively to induce a male, because 
the male is a stimulus weaker than the woman, but stronger 
than the motor stimuli exciting the woman's external genitals, 
which had proved stronger than the woman's own motor self. 

A moment's consideration of the type of love stimulation 
which the male's body is designed to give the female, will 
make this point clear. The penis, extending within the 
mouth of the vagina, stimulates directly the internal genital 
organs of the female. Assuming that the motor discharge 
from this stimulation tends to return to the internal genitals 
via the sympathetic ganglia, just as motor discharge from 
stomach stimulation tends to return again through cranial 
efferents to the stomach, we find that stimuli furnished by 


the male to the female during physical love contact possesses 
two characteristics. First, the motor stimuli evoked are 
completely submissive to the female's own motor self balance. 
Second, these submissive motor stimuli follow the prescribed 
path to the internal genital organs, and so tend to increase 
the discharge to the internal genitals until the motor discharge 
to the external genitals, set up by menstrual period stimulation, 
is completely counteracted and the motor self's balance is 

This restoration of balance may thus be accomplished by 
the motor stimuli resulting from male stimulation, whereas 
restoration of balance could not be accomplished by the 
female's own motor self, prior to stimulation by the male. 
This means, as previously shown, that the woman is simul- 
taneously feeling active inducement emotion toward the male 
and passive submission emotion toward the menstrual period 
stimuli, still active within her body. 

When the motor stimuli evoked in a woman's organism by 
the male finally completely counterbalance the stimuli sending 
motor discharge to the external genitals, an overwhelming 
of the lattei occurs (possibly in the nature of a partial in- 
hibition), while a series of rhythmic contractions are set up 
in the uterus and vagina, constituting sexual orgasm. This 
particular type of female orgasm is sometimes called by 
women an " internal orgasm ". It represents consummation 
of active inducement response toward the male whUh has 
culminated in the capturing of sufficient allied stimuli to 
counterbalance for the moment, at least, the menstrual period 
stimuli evoking passive submission. This overwhelming of 
external genital excitement is only temporary, even three or 
four " internal " orgasms in succession failing to abolish the 
alpS set, which lasts for as long a time as the after discharge 
of menstrual stimuli remains active. 

Male Body Suited For Passion Stimulation Only 

Since the internal genitals of the male can at no time be 
directly stimulated by contact with the female, the male's 
overt response throughout the sex relationship is one of active 
submission evoked by cumulatively increased stimulation of 
his external genital organ, which is completely surrounded 
(captured ?) by the woman's internal genital organ, the vagina. 

We noted, in Chapter XI, that erection of the penis was a 


submissive type of reaction, made possible by the allied motor 
stimuli (from tickling* stroking, etc.), which were able to 
direct the motor self into this sacral channel of discharge, 
because superior to the motor self in possessing strength to 
overcome the usually operating cortical inhibition. We have 
just observed, in the present paragraph, that further stimula- 
tion of the penis evoking submission, occurs when the penis 
is kept within the vagina of the woman. But, in order to 
keep it there, a continuous increment of increase must be main- 
tained by the motor self, sufficient to maintain erection. This 
increment of increase of the self continuously extends the 
part to be stimulated, thus inviting and making possible the 
stimulation of this part by the only appropriately^ constructed 
part of the woman's body. Such increase of motor self to 
Procure further stimulation to submission constitutes passive 

It is exactly the same type of response that the child makes 
in extending its feet and hands to be further tickled and 
stimulated, cited in the last chapter as evidence of passive 
inducement in infant love behaviour. It is the same type 
of response, also, made by the freshman girl who held out her 
hands to invite a sophomore to place more bonds about them 
thus evoking further submission. Extension of the penis, 
to receive stimulation is simply a specialized type of this 
general passive inducement behaviour, suitable as an induce- 
mentonly to a specialized type of captivating organism, 
namely the internal genitals of a woman. 

Throughout the inter-sex ]ove act, then, the male expresses 
passive inducement (increase of motor self) sufficient to render 
his body stimulable by the woman's body. He simultaneously 
expresses active submission in movements of the penis and 
body evoked by pressure of the vagina surrounding his external 
genital organ. This simultaneous compounding of active 
submission and passive inducement constitute physical passion 

Climax of Male Response Is Active Love 
The male sexual orgasm is quite different irom the female 
" internal orgasm " just described. The male orgasm, appears, 
it would seem, when such a large increment of the male's 
motor self has been released by external genital stimulation, 
that the total strength of the self is greater than the total 


strength of the motor stimuli which had hitherto been com- 
pelling the self to submission. When* this shift in the balance 
of strength between the two integrative elements occurs, the 
motor self assumes control of the situation, and immediately 
returns to its qwn reflex balance. This balance, according to 
our foregoing analysis, calls for a preponderance of motor 
discharge to the internal genitals. When the motor self 
returns to this balance, therefore, carrying with it, by active 
inducement, the newly captured, allied motor stimuli, to 
which it had formerly been submitting, the internal genitals 
are contracted clonically, a series of rhythmic muscular 
spasms is set up, and this series of spasms ejects the sper- 
matozoa, contained in their appropriate fluid' medium. 

During tne male orgasm, it is obvious that the phase of 
love emotion expressed has shifted from passive to active. 
The male's passive inducement has become active inducement. 
His motor self, which has been permitted only to increase 
sufficiently to keep the penis erect, is now increased so greatly 
that it returns to its own predetermined balance, carrying 
the newly captured motor stimuli with it. That is to say, 
the male now actively induces the female to a wholly new 
emotional response of creation, by ejecting active generative 
agents into her body. 

At the same time, the active submission of the male changes 
to passive submission. He no longer permits his motor self 
to discharge its efferent energy under the control and direction 
of the motor stimuli evoked by the female's vagina. But the 
male, nevertheless, during the orgasm, passively submits to the 
woman, in that he permits her internal genital organs to 
induce in his the muscular spasms necessary to the procreative 
act. That is to say, the motor self of the male remains suffi- 
ciently under the control of the motor stimuli previously 
evoked by vaginal stimulation of his external genital organ 
to condition the active inducement to direct its total, induced 
stimuli primarily toward the internal genital organs, rather 
than toward any one or all of the large number of motor self 
channels to the skeletal muscles and adjoining viscera, now 
freely opened (though the excitement spreads, considerably, 
to the clasping muscles, also). 

Thus it is, that the male shifts his love expression, at its 
very climax, from passion to captivation. It is a captivation 
designed, however, not to captivate the female responses for 


his own control, but rather to captivate them for the control 
of the child to come, cieated as a result of this culmination 
of the male's passionate submission to the female. 

The chief difference between the female's " internal orgasm " 
and the male orgasm is one of similarity or contrast to the 
previously existing type of emotional response controlling the 
subject. The woman has been expressing active love, or 
captivation, and this active love emotion culminates in an 
inducement of menstrually evoked motor stimuli so complete 
that the latter, for a brief period, are overwhelmed, and are 
compelled to join in activating the internal genital muscles 
to clonic contraction. But it is very easy for the female 
organism to return to its previous state of active love, since 
only a slight relaxation of the climactic intensity of internal 
genital stimulation is necessary to permit the temporarily 
induced motor stimuli to resume their previous role of inducers 
to passive submission by discharge again, into the clitoris. 
But it is not so easy for the male to return to a condition of 
passion response. His newly acquired active love set must 
be precisely reversed before passion response can again control 
the male organism. To accomplish this result, further stimu- 
lation of the external genitals from without the body must 
take place, and must continue until a large enough increment 
of the motor self is again determined to the penis, by means 
of its submission to the motor stimuli evoked, to maintain 
the external genital organ in a state of erection, or passive 
inducement. This process may require a considerable interval 
of quiescense, between the active love climax and the res- 
toration of submissive passion set, once more. Thus a much 
briefer period of recovery is required between one " internal 
orgasm " of the female and another (perhaps no interval at 
all), than the quiescent period elapsing between active love 
orgasm of the male and renewed passion response. 

Woman is capable, as before mentioned, of experiencing 
both phases of love emotion. By means of clitoral stimulation 
by another woman (or by some artificial stimulation such as 
tongue or hand), passion response may be evoked in exactly 
the same way as it is called forth from the male by stimulation 
of his penis. The orgasm may follow this passion emotion, 
in exactly the same way that it follows the passion of the 
male ; in which case, the orgasm represents the same transition 
from passion to captivation. (Evidently because the creation 


emotion character of this climactic active love expression, 
terminating passion, is perceived by the love-trained con- 
sciousness of women having this type of love relationship, 
it is frequently regarded with a sort of worship, as an emotional 
experience inviolably sacred, a feeling seldom attained by 
males during the same behaviour). This type of orgasm is 
frequently called, by women, the " external orgasm ". The 
female external orgasm seems likely to persist somewhat 
longer than its male counterpart, and to be followed by a 
physical state of more profound lassitude, and inertia. 

Some women subjects report that they receive a considerable 
amount of stimulation of the clitoris during an ordinary act of 
coitus. Other women subjects can detect little or no stimu- 
lation of the clitoris during physical contact with a male. 
The question seems to be one of relationship between the 
position of the clitoris and the other structures involved. 
Women seldom experience an orgasm of the external type 
as a result of stimulation of the clitoris during relationship 
with the male. Such external genital stimulation as they 
do receive, however, frequently leaves female subjects in a 
condition of passion response after consummating the physical 
love contact with the male. This passion response cannot 
be gratified, apparently, by any number of orgasms of internal 

Men Like To Confuse Love and Appetite 

In considering the love seeking behaviour of both women 

and men, the fact must constantly be borne in mind that 
appetite emotion is inextricably confused with love responses 
in the emotional equipment of nearly all subjects. We have 
already cited a number of cases showing the tendency, es- 
pecially in the male, to confuse inducement with dominance 
and captivation emotion with appetitive desire seeking 
satisfaction. The popular terms for love responses reveal 
clearly, not only the unconscious confusion between appetite 
and love, but also the dominant delight which many male 
authors seem to take in perpetuating this confusion. 

To call love " appetite " places it at once in a category 
which the male can understand and dominate. If even 
active love, or captivation emotion be recognized as a reaction 
during which the subject must be wholly controlled by 
alliance with the interests of the person captivated, the 


response becomes repugnant to the average male because 
it means that he is not getting, but giving, and the only justi- 
fication for giving, to the minds of most males, is the possi- 
bility of a larger getting to follow. It fe dominantly satis- 
fying to a male to think of the love responses as a mere 
additional source of pleasure, which he can obtdin in the ways 
he is accustomed to obtain appetitive satisfaction ; that is, 
through the exercise of dominance and compliance. 

If love emotions are thought of as depending wholly upon 
the degree to which a male is willing to submit to another 
person, especially a woman, the realization at once follows 
that he, the male, is no longer able to rule, by his dominance, 
this love half of life which he knows to be by far the most 
pleasant. If love is recognized for what it is, it -means that 
the male can never obtain a place of real superiority in love 
except by learning to become more submissive in proportion 
to his dominance than is woman. All this is not consciously 
thought out, of course, but it will be found to exist, I believe, 
to some degree, as an emotional undercurrent, in the attitude 
of nearly all males toward love. 

As a consequence of this typical male set, we find, in both 
popular and scientific literature, which has, for the most part, 
been written by men not controlled by women, or by women 
closely controlled by male standards and conventions, a 
series of more or less deliberately devised misnomers for the 
love responses. Active love, for example, becomes in male 
nomenclature " desire " ; passive love, or passion response 
is designated as an " appetite ", and is further separated 
from such commendable though somewhat anaemic states of 
emotional consciousness as " love of virtue ", by character- 
izing physical love as a " sex appetite ". The inference is 
plain. The members of each sex are represented by this 
simple mischaracterization of love as seeking to devour one 
another, and to possess one another dominantly, each for 
his own appetitive satisfaction. Persons who insist upon 
perpetuating their own confusions between love and appetite 
by defending such a conception are simply engaged in a 
dominant attempt to escape reality. 

Love, Used For Appetite, Must Nevertheless Be Love 

As we have seen in the case of inducement response used 
as a tool to procure appetitive satisfaction, the love response 


must remain a non-dominant reaction in its entirety if it is 
to evoke a corresponding love response from the stimulus 
person, no matter what may be the eventual result of this 
succession of love reactions. Those who would use love for 
appetite must first learn to love ; and after that, they must 
be willing to love sincerely, during the entire period necessary 
to establish absolute possession over the thing they want to 
get from the person Judasaically loved. If the seeker starts 
to dominate the other individual just a few minutes or a few 
seconds too soon, his ultimate purpose is lost. The love 
response cannot be termed an appetite, therefore, except in 
prospect or in retrospect ; that is before the love response 
is initiated, at which time the ultimate appetitive benefit 
is being selected and planned, and the period immediately 
succeeding the termination of the love response itself, when 
appetitive satisfaction of the result gained is being enjoyed. 

Of course, during the persistence of the love response 
itself, appetitive reactions may mingle in the total behaviour 
pattern. But in so far as appetite does so mingle with love, 
the responses evoked from other persons will similarly con- 
tain a mixture of appetitive self seeking. Therefore, the 
efficiency of the love response as a tool for dominance and 
appetite must be diminished by just so much. The love 
seeking of one individual by another is not to be thought of 
as a desire to eat or to possess the loved one. It can only properly 
be described as a seeking to establish a relationship wfth that 
other individual wherein the seeker may give himself more com- 
pletely to the person sought, by allying himself more closely 
with the other's interests. 

It is customarily asserted that women " desire " to captivate 
males for their own pleasure, even if there is no more sordid 
financial motive in establishing the relationship. A woman 
who does seek her own pleasure in captivating a male cannot 
obtain that pleasure in the manner sought because no love 
relationship can ever be established. Or, to put the matter 
in a more positive way, if a woman captivates a male in a 
true love relationship with herself, she does so by evoking 
a true passion response from the male. In order to evoke 
this response, the woman must continually study the male's 
emotional mechanisms, and stimulate him only in strictest 
accord with these mechanisms. Furthermore, she must 
stimulate the male more effectively, that is, in a way which 


will give him more pleasure, than any other influence then 
exerted upon him is able to do. In short, to captivate a male, 
a woman must evoke within his organism the greatest possible 
pleasantness. Her pleasure must consist only in effectively 
increasing his. 

The moment there enters into the woman's total response 
pattern a desire which seeks to compel the male to stimulate 
her in some way temporarily pleasant to her but not pleasant 
to him, at that moment the captivation of the male by the female 
is diminished by a corresponding amount. The desire gets 
just what it seeks, that is, an appetitive satisfaction which 
the male continues to deliver to the female during the length 
of time that the previous love influence of the woman per- 
sists and captivation endures. She has begun to reap an 
appetitive reward, obtained as a result of a preceding love 
response. But the love response itself is no longer working, 
so the woman can only seize as much as she is able before the 
effect of her previous love response upon the male wears off. 
If she would gain further appetitive rewards by the prostitu- 
tion-of-Iove method, she must abandon again all desire for 
her own pleasure and seek to evoke, again, the greatest 
possible pleasantness in the male's consciousness. There 
may be, of course, deliberate deceptions on the part of a 
captivating woman (see Chapter XVII) and misinterpreta- 
tions of the woman's behaviour on the part of the male, 
but srr,h misinterpretations do not in the least alter the 
essential quality of the stimulus to which the male is reacting, 
the only issue being whether the adequate stimulus actually 
exists in the woman, or whether it merely exists in the man's 
own central nervous system only. 

The following results of love behaviour have no exceptions : 
Neither captivation emotion nor passion emotion contains 
desire or satisfaction in any form. Love emotion contains no 
appetitive response in any form. Admixtures of desire or 
satisfaction responses with captivation and passion responses, 
when controlled by the two appetitive elements, result in the 
supplanting of captivation and passion by desire and satis- 

Overt Love Behaviour Prior To Sexual Union 

The woman's period of passive love, or passion response 
ends, as we have seen, at the close of the menstrual period. 


Thereafter the normal and uninhibited woman begins to 
seek a male in order to captivate him. The adult male's 
love responses do not, as a general rule, begin until he has 
been initially stimulated by a woman or by some corres- 
pondingly adequate stimulus. The man's reactions from 
the first are those of passive love response, or passion. 

Some of the frankest and clearest-cut types of captivation 
of males by women are those accomplished by chorus girls 
and dancers. The theatre offers a stimulus situation sanc- 
tioned by society, wherein a woman passively submitting 
to her own inner urges (intraorganic stimuli resulting in 
stimulations of external genitals) reacts toward the man in 
the audience in such a way as to stimulate his organism, to 
the maximum extent, with display and movement of her 
own body. The girl on the stage, in strict accordance with 
the nature of captivation emotion, observes and analyses 
the male emotional mechanisms to the best of her ability 
(or the theatrical producer does this for her) ; and she prac- 
tices assiduously to stimulate these male mechanisms in 
such a way as to evoke, through them, the maximum amount 
of pleasure in the male. As soon as this stimulation begins 
to be effective in evoking passion response in the male con- 
sciousness, which is, of course, intensely pleasant, to the man, 
a motor discharge from this passion type of integration 
immediately results in a series of active submission responses 
on the part of the male, to the woman's psycho-physical 

The first of such active submissions may consist of sending 
flowers, and of securing an introduction to the woman in 
order that he may pay verbal tribute to her beauty and 
captivation powers. These responses, in turn, evoke further 
captivation behaviour from the woman, which again cumula- 
tively increases the male's passion, with its overt active 
submission element. The male becomes a constant attendant 
upon his captivatress, obeying her spoken commands and 
seeking to submit to her inarticulate emotional nature in 
every way possible. Of course, this programme may partially 
degenerate into a process of purchase and sale ; but if so, 
the male gets only what he buys, an appetitive satisfaction 
without any love relationship. When eventually the woman's 
captivation response, and the male's passion emotion control 
their organisms to the degree of establishing a physical love 


relationship, the captivation stimulus actually evokes changes 
in the male's body desighed to enable the woman's body to 
capture it physically, as we have already noted. 

Love Union of Sexes 

The woman's body by means of appropriate movements 
and vaginal contractions, continues to captivate the male 
body, which has altered its form precisely for that purpose. 
Thus the responses of captivation and passion are cumula- 
tively enhanced up to the moment when the sexual orgasm 
occurs in one or the other subject. It seems possible from 
the nature of the structures involved that the female orgasm 
should be allowed to occur first. The greatly intensified 
contractions of the vagina, during this occurrence, coupled 
with greatly increased muscular pressure exerted upon the 
male by the female seem designed to call forth a culmination 
of passion from the male. It is quite certain that the female 
orgasm is likely never to occur at all, if the male orgasm 
is permitted to occur first. A large number of married women 
report that they never have experienced an orgasm since 
marriage for this very reason. 

When the seemingly normal sequence of responses is 
followed, the male experiences a brief period of active love, or 
captivation emotion, immediately following the culmination, 
and consequent cessation of the woman's captivation response. 
At thL moment, as we have already noted, the excitement 
from incidental stimulation of the clitoris is likely to be the 
prevailing stimulus within the woman's body, changing 
her own emotional response momentarily at least, from 
captivation to passion. This passion emotion like the male's 
culminating captivation response with which it coincides, 
is not to be considered as part of the initial love response 
sequence, but rather represents the beginning of a new creation 
response series, having for its purpose the creation and 
nourishment of a child to come. 

Need For Training of Male in Coitus Reservatus 

The sequence of love responses suggested as most nearly 
normal are by no means most frequent of occurrence in 
ordinary inter-sex love relationships. Up to the point of 
physical contact between woman and male, the behaviour 
just described is fairly typical, especially in tjiose in3tance 


where the woman has received previous captivation response 
training, such as that given dancers 1 and chorus girls in their 
preparation for passion-stimulating stage spectacles. After 
bodily relationship is established, however, the outstanding 
feature of male response is apt to be an attempt to assume 
the role of captivatress as expeditiously as possible. Physi- 
cally, this takes the form of usurping the woman's role of 
love aggressor as much as possible and hastening the act 
to its conclusion by what amounts to masturbation ; that 
is, using the woman's vagina, instead of the hand as a stimu- 
lating surface against which to move the penis. The average 
male's notion of physical love relationship seems to be to 
obtain a sexual orgasm as quickly as possible. The result 
of this behaviour is well known. The male orgasm occurs 
long before the woman has received sufficient vaginal stimu- 
lation to bring her captivation response to its climax. The 
woman, therefore, is deprived of a major proportion of her 
love experience, and of its final culmination. The male 
who thus prematurely terminates his own passion as well as 
the woman's captivation behaviour effectively limits and 
in time destroys altogether his enjoyment of bodily passion. 

Such writers as Havelock Ellis, and H. W. Long, M.D., 
recognize the necessity for coitus reservatus on the part of 
the male. " The orgasm ", says Long, " is not the desidera- 
tum in this case." 1 Ellis gives a brief history of communities 
in which the males have been trained, by women, to practice 
coitus reservatus, with no deleterious physical results, and 
with great enhancement of pleasantness for both women and 
males.* It is a well recognized fact 8 that the consummation 
of the woman's physical captivation emotion by means of an 
internal orgasm requires a much longer period than is neces- 
sary to produce the male orgasm, where the male permits 
himself unrestrained physical movement with consequent 
self stimulation. 

In order to adjust the time sequence of captivation and 
passion responses, as well as to secure maximal pleasantness 
and completeness of emotion throughout the physical love 
relationship, it is obvious that the passion response must be 
controlled by the captivating stimulus at all times. In other 

1 H. W. Long, Sane Sex Life and Sane Sex Living, Boston, 1910, p. 129. 
8 Havelock Ellis, Studies in the Psychology of Sex t Philadelphia, 
vol. VI, p. 552 ff. 

* H, W, Long, ibid, p. 70. 


words, the male after learning coitus reservatus, must place 
himself completely undet the control of the woman during 
physical love relationship, just as he had done, perforce, 
during courtship when only passion response would suffice 
to bring about the longed for love relationship w^th the woman 
who has captivated him. 

Dr. Long advises the male to lie beneath the woman, instead 
of in the more common position expressive of male dominance. 
He says : " It is now the woman and not the man who has full 
control of such meeting, and so can regulate it to her liking 
and needs." 1 Long further emphasizes the fact that the 
greatest mistake of all marital life is the supposition, " by 
both an uninitiated husband and an innocent wife, that all 
the motion should originate with the husband, while the 
woman should lie still and let him do it all "." After further 
pointing out the awkwardness and unnaturalness of the 
physical position with the male superior, Long maintains 
that it is the woman and not the male who should initiate 
all the movements of both parties to the relationship. The 
male's movements should only occur as responses to the 
woman's, and when permitted by her. In this admirable 
advice, the doctor recognizes the necessity for the woman's 
captivation response to prevail throughout the relationship. 

Margaret Sanger, who has had practical opportunity to 
study a very large number of cases of inter-sex love relation- 
ships i*i the course of her work on Birth Control, writes : 
" Here is the crux of the marital problem. For centuries 
women have been taught by custom and prejudice, especially 
in countries in which the Puritanic tradition dominates, that 
hers should be a passive, dutiful role to submit but not to 
participate. Likewise men have been schooled by tradition 
to seek mere selfish gratification. This lack of constructive 
experience is responsible for the thousands of unhappy mar- 
riages and the tragic, wasted lives of many wives, cheated by 
thoughtlessness and ignorance of their legitimate right to 
marital joy. 

" Much would be accomplished if women were taught to be 
active and men to check the tumultuous expression of their 
passion." 3 

1 H. W. Long, Sane Sex Life and Sane Sex Living, Boston, 1919, p. 107. 
*H.W. Long, tbid.p. 81. 

8 Margaret Sanger, Happiness in Marriage, New York, 1926, pp. 


Dominance Controlling Love Thwarts Both Love and Appetite 

It is undoubtedly a product of the chronic male control of 
love by dominance that has led to the curious method of phy- 
sical love relations between women and males prevalent in 
Western civilization. In the Orient, where love is practised 
as an art the necessity of woman's complete control of 
physical love behaviour is recognized freely, no matter whether 
the woman be wife or slave girl. We find numerous evidences 
in such literature as the Arabian Nights, that Oriental poten- 
tates, while indulging in love, are sufficiently intelligent to 
surrender their bodies completely over to the ministration 
and control of their captivatresses. 

The influence of dominant suppressions and appetitive 
perversions of natural love behaviour have had a profound 
and devastating effect upon Western civilization, so far as 
the development of subtler emotional and " spiritual " values 
are concerned. The reason that Main Street lacks aesthetic 
value is primarily the fact that Main Streeters of both sexes 
turn their love as completely into appetite as possible. They 
tend to regard it as " wicked ", and " immoral " for women 
to devote their time and attention deliberately to the learning 
of captivation emotion, while males, thus deprived of passion 
at home, seek it elsewhere. 

With the appetitive supremacy which an average man gains 
at marriage, it is expected that the woman's previous captiva- 
tion attitude toward the male will suddenly conform to the 
appetitive situation, and will convert itself into passion. The 
male, on the other hand, tries to regard himself as the captiva- 
tress from the moment he obtains unhampered physical 
access to contact with the woman's body. But the natural 
emotional roles for which the two bodies are fitted by reason 
of sex differences of structure, cannot be reversed in this high- 
handed fashion. The result of attempting to reverse them 
is simply a cessation of physical love. At best, there may be 
a partial substitution of mutual enjoyment of appetitive 
satisfactions, in the way of home comforts, property and social 
activities. At worst (and this is more usual] there ensue, 
quarrels ove,r money and appetitive amusejnents, 


Judge Lindsey reported 1 many cases observed by himself, 
personally, in which a woman and man lived together in 
completely pleasant love relationship, until the marriage 
ceremony was performed. Thereafter, appetite replaced love 
until a divorce was sought. In one case reported, the couple 
resumed their previously happy love relationship, under the 
belief that a divorce had been granted, although, as a matter 
of fact, Judge Lindsey had not signed the papers. Upon 
learning this fact, both the woman and the man begged the 
Judge to sign their decree, so that they would not have to 
separate again ! In such cases, it seems very clear that the 
male could not continue to feel himself wholly captive to the 
woman in their love relations when he had, as a matter of fact, 
assumed supreme control of the partnership by supplying all 
the money. While the woman, also, was working, and was 
paying her part of the expenses, it was borne in upon the man's 
consciousness continually that his relationship with the girl 
was by her suffrance only. She could terminate their relation- 
ship at an}' time she chose, and would undoubtedly do so if 
the male ceased to submit to her love captivation responses. 
This seems to be the plain, emotional fac^in the matter, how- 
ever much dominant resistance the majority of males may feel 
to acknowledging that their bodies are devised for passion 
response, while women's bodies are designed for the capture 
of males and not for submission to them. 

Woman's Passion 

A further problem presents itself in connection with women's 
expression of passion emotion in relationship with other women. 
I am free to confess that when I undertook to study this type 
of love relationship, I had not the slightest idea of its import- 
ance in the emotional life of women, nor of the prevalence of 
such relationships among women whose love conduct happened 
to be relatively uninhibited, due either to previous experience, 
or captivation and passion relationships between upper class 
college girls and freshmen, where no genital organ stimulation 
occurred. I was aware from personal observation that young 
women living together in a home might evoke from one another 
extremely pleasant and pervasive love responses, of both 

1 Judge Ben B. Lindsey and W. Evans, The Compamonate Marna^c, 
New York, 1927. 


types, without bodily contact or genital excitement. Upon 
investigating, with the invaluable cid of my collaborators, 
the love relationships between girls and women outside the 
influence of college authorities and home life, however, I found 
that nearly half of the female love relationships concerning 
which significant data could be obtained, were accompanied 
by bodily love stimulation. 

Among cases of women dancers studied, physical love 
relationships with other women seem to be the rule rather 
than the exception. In several cases, well-adapted love 
relationships with husband and children were not felt to be 
sufficient, without supplementary love affairs with other 
women. The husband, in one case (an actor) reported that 
his own physical love contacts with his wife were more enjoy- 
able after passion responses had been evoked from her by 
another girl. In this case, also, love relationships between 
the mother and her two children seemed to be enhanced rather 
than diminished at such times, so far as one could observe. 
Girls and women who indulge in this form of love expression 
appear to feel no abnormality or unnaturalness about it, and, 
in fact, frequently are not restrained from free physical love 
contact with the woman lover even by the presence of other 
people. A male psychologist once reported to me a case of 
two girl lovers, who had been separated from one another 
for some weeks by the college authorities. These girls per- 
formed the love act unhesitatingly in his presence, manifesting 
intense passion and captivation emotion respectively. Accord- 
ing to this report, the girls regarded their love relationship as 
something peculiarly sacred, and though they were both 
reported as forming love relationships with males shortly 
after this occurrence, these relationships with men did not 
appear to detract in any way from their love for one 

Verified instances of the same type have come to my atten- 
tion in connection with love affairs of Parisienne dancers with 
both males and other girls. In one instance a girl begged her 
male lover to be allowed to perform a physical love act with 
another girl at the conclusion of her relationship with him, 
and in his presence. Recently an extremely able and emi- 
nently practical business-man told me with complete tolerance 
and lack of surprise, that two girl employees had been seen 
enjoying physical love relationship with one another, in a 


public portion of the office building, where the act was almost 
certain to be witnessed b^ other women workers. In reporting 
the general trend of female love relationships of this type, I 
have selected merely those cases illustrating the apparent 
supremacy of passion over other influences w^ich might be 
thought to have had the strongest inhibitory effect upon the 
physical love relationship between one girl and another. So 
long as a woman possesses two distinct love mechanisms, 
both stimulable from the environment by stimulus persons 
of different types, it seems highly probable that she will con- 
tinue to enjoy both types of love relationship whenever pos- 
sible, despite attempted social prohibition of one or both 
varieties of love behaviour. 

With regard to the possibly deleterious effect upon women's 
physical health of this type of love relationship with other 
women, I have been unable to verify a male medical opinion, 
given me at the beginning of my investigation, that such love 
affairs between girls were always injurious to their physical 
health. Some deleterious results appeared, however, in cases 
where the women who were carrying on the physical relation- 
ships in question were members of a segregated group in a 
penal institution. In this group of female prisoners studied, 
some twenty women or more, out of the total prison popula- 
tion (both white and negroes) of ninety-seven, were known 
to be carrying on love affairs with other women. Two of 
these women had shown loss of weight and general physical 
deterioration, as a result, seemingly, of the excessive amount 
of passion response repeatedly evoked by their female lovers, 
under circumstances preventing the women thus expressing 
passion from obtaining any counterbalance of love captivation 
excitement from relationships with males. In the other cases, 
the prison matrons and physician could determine no symp- 
toms of physical deterioration traceable in any way to a love 
relationship. In several instances, on the other hand, the 
emotional attitude of both women lovers toward prison 
discipline and compulsory work, was shown to have improved 
after the beginning of the love affair. Other cases of captiva- 
tion-passion relationships between girls which have been 
reported to me, where medical examinations were available, 
the cases being, of course, outside segretegad or institutional 
groups, seem to indicate that no emotional or physical results 
of a deleterious nature could be detected. 


Love (plaS + alpS) Has Characteristic Complex Emotional 


During our discussion of appetite emotion, we observed 
that the simultaneous mingling or compounding of the already 
compound enlotions desire and satisfaction, produces an 
entirely new emotional quality, clearly recognized during smell 
and taste of food while hungry, and termed appetite emotion. 
In the same way, we may now note that the successive blending 
of passion and captivation, with captivation gradually replacing 
passion, produces a new and more complex emotion, love. 

We have already noted, in the study of male genital 
mechanisms, how passive inducement changes to active 
inducement, and active submission to passive submission 
at the beginning of the orgasm. Although this shift from 
passive to active love appears suddenly, in male behaviour, 
its onset must be gradual, beginning almost at the beginning 
of sexual union. In female love behaviour, seeking physical 
relationship with a male, the change from passive to active 
love occurs, probably, when the woman first finds a male who 
responds to her active inducement, following the cyclic period 
of intra-organic passion stimulation, or perhaps the change 
occurs near the close of the period itself. Throughout inter- 
sex love relationship, there seems normally to be some blending 
of passion and captivation just as throughout the total appeti- 
tive behaviour pattern, there appears a blending of desire and 
satisfaction. Just as desire must yield gradually to satis- 
faction and must remain in complete adaptation to satis- 
faction, throughout appetite, so, in love, passion must be 
adapted to captivation throughout, and must, at some point, 
yield to it. 

The conscious characteristic of this successive blending 
between passive and active love is uumistakable to anyone 
who has once experienced it, and seems to be identical in men 
and women. It is exquisitely pleasant, subtle, and delicate, 
yet, at its height, love is ecstatically intense and pervasive, 
completely blotting out all other emotions from consciousness 
for the time being. In love between the sexes, with mutual 
genital stimulation, the love phases of captivation on the part 
of the woman, and passion on the part of the male, may remain 
quite unblended, if conditions are maximally favourable, 
during a major portion of the entire relationship, the full love 
blend appearing only near the climax of both responses. 


Genital Mechanisms are Teachers of Love 

It must be remembered, however, that genital organ stimu- 
lation, spontaneously initiated in inter-sex behaviour by the 
automatic menstrual love stimulation cycle of the woman, 
does not represent the sole source of love. The cases con- 
sidered in a preceding chapter brought out the fact that all 
aspects of love actually were evoked from members of both 
sexes by stimulus persons who did not contact or stimulate 
the genital organs in any way. Just as the stomach mechan- 
isms connected with hunger pangs are to be regarded as a 
natural teacher of appetite emotion, and as a possible model 
for its further constructive development, so genital organ 
stimulation, automatically initiated by the female cycle, is to 
be regarded as a natural teacher and model for love responses. 

The integrative relationships, however, constituting capti- 
vation and passion emotions are capable of being evoked by 
divers stimulus situations throughout life. During many of 
these love responses, when no genital stimulation whatever is 
occurring, a person of either sex, if properly trained in love 
behaviour, may frequently experience that simultaneous 
compounding of passion and captivation which constitutes 
the peculiar and unmistakable quality of pure love emotion. 



APPETITE and love emotions are relatively independent in 
the emotional organization of some subjects. But, with a 
majority of individuals, appetite and love appear to manifest 
an intricate, and often inextricably confused relationship, in 
the total behaviour pattern. Human beings are, of course, 
extremely Complex organisms. It is useless to attempt, in a 
preliminary analysis such as this book represents, anything 
like a systematic presentation of the extended series of appe- 
tite-love relationships which appear in the clinical cases 
studied. It seems best, therefore, to emphasize the normal 
and efficient pattern of creation responses, combining love 
and appetite, which appear to be enforced upon human beings 
and animals in the course of reproduction. For just as the 
hunger mechanisms automatically evoke the natural integra- 
tive combination of desire and satisfaction into appetite 
emotion, and as the menstrual function automatically evokes 
the maximally efficient integrative combinations of passion 
and captivation responses into love emotion, so, in thr same 
way, do the reproductive mechanisms automatically evoke a 
natural integrative combination of love and appetite into an 
emotional behaviour pattern which may aptly be termed 
" creation ". 

Types of Physiological Relationships Between Mother and Child 
During Pregnancy 

We have noted that at the termination of physical love 
relationship between woman and man, the male completes 
his series of love responses with a brief expression of active 
love, while the woman simultaneously begins a new series of 
love responses on her own part, by a corresponding passive 
love reaction. It would seem that this passive love reaction 
on the woman's part, consisting, it will be remembered, of 
the period immediately following an internal type of orgasm, 
is biologically designed to accompany reception of spermatazoa 



within the vagina, the uterus eventually receiving the male 
germ cells without resistance. When a spermatazoon en- 
counters the ovum, however, a process that might be described 
as physiological captivation of the male cell by the ovum 
immediately occurs. In other words, there is a mutual 
physiological attraction between these two cells, the ovum 
eventually drawing the spermatazoon into itself, and com- 
pletely surrounding it. Thereafter, in the continued alliance 
between the two cells, the volume of the ovum predominates 
throughout, though it might be held that the energy of the 
male element precipitates the ordered series of cell divisions, 
shortly resulting in the appearance of the embryo. 

It is the mother's responses, however, that we are primarily 
concerned with, rather than with the genetic origirf and history 
of the infant. 

As soon as the fertilized ovum, with its protective tissues 
and membranes begins its process of further development 
within the uterus, nutritional connections are made with the 
blood stream of the mother, and a definite type of relationship 
is set up between mother and the embryo. In this relation- 
ship, throughout the nine month period preceding birth, the 
embryo and fetus may be regarded as submitting to the 
mother, by dominating the nutritional substances furnished 
by the maternal organism for embryonic growth and develop- 
ment. This nutritional supply is placed in contact with 
appropriate absorptive tissues of the fetus, which must acquire 
or dominate these substances so long as it remains responsive 
to control by the mother's body. The mother organism, on 
the other hand, complies actively with the food materials taken 
into it through the stomach, for the purpose of inducing the 
fetus to grow and mature. The mother's body must comply 
with food from the environment and not only is the usual 
measure of compliance necessary to furnish materials for her 
own organism, but also she must comply in new ways, appro- 
priate to the manufacture of materials necessary to the 
development of the new organism within her own. 

This, then, is the first physiological set of relationships 
established between mother and child. The mother complies 
actively with food from the environment in order to induce the 
fetus to grow. The infant organism dominates the materials 
furnished by drawing these materials into its own body in order 
to submit to the mother's inducement. 


A second set of physiological relationships seems also to be 
present. The mother submits passively to the presence of 
the other organism within her own, by passively dominating 
all environmental influences which might tend to injure or 
attack the unborn child. Passive dominance, in short, on the 
part of the mo'ther, consists in protecting the infant organism 
from environmental opponents. This passive dominance is 
simply a means or method of carrying out the response of 
passive submission to which her body is impelled by its inability 
to function in a way divergent from the need of the smaller 
organism, so long as the latter is held incorporated within 
the mother's body. Similarly, the infant, in order passively 
to induce this protection from the mother, must passively 
comply with the physical limitations of the protective tissues 
and other materials placed around it. If the fetus, for instance, 
at a late stage in its growth, should move in such a way that 
the umbilical cord became twisted or a rupture in any tissue 
occurred, sustenance might fail the fetus, or protection might 
no longer be obtained from various inimical influences, pro- 
bably resulting in ultimate destruction of the fetus. In 
simplest terms, then, the unborn infant passively complies with 
the restrictive tissues with which it is surrounded, for the purpose 
of passively inducing the maternal organism to permit continued 
presence of the infant within the mother. The mother protects 
the unborn babe by passively dominating its antagonists for the 
purpose of continuing passively to submit to the needs ^rf the 

Active Creation (pAaL) Defined in Terms of Physiological 

When we put these two sets of physiological relationships 
together, we find the following completed behaviour pattern. 
The mother is passively submitting and actively inducing, 
simultaneously. We have already seen that this particular 
compounding of responses constitutes active love or captivation 
response. Furthermore, the mother simultaneously is actively 
complying and passively dominating. This combination of 
responses as we have seen, constitutes passive appetite, or 
satisfaction response. Since the appetitive satisfaction 
attained, however, is not for the mother's own desire but for 
the desires of the infant, a new character of emotion is pro- 
duced. This new type of response, then, consists of passive 


appetite compounded with and adapted to active love (pAdL). 
This new response compound may be termed active creation. 

Passive Creation (aApL) Similarly Defined 

The infant organism reacts simultaneously with passive 
compliance and active dominance responses. This constitutes 
active appetite or desire. At the same time, however, the 
unborn infant is reacting with passive inducement and active 
submission simultaneously. This compound response has 
been shown to constitute passive love or passion. Yet in this 
case, where appetitive desire is felt only for the sake of con- 
summating passive love, we must again postulate a new type 
of compound emotion. This compound response, which 
consists of active appetite compounded with and adapted to passive 
love may be termed passive creation (aApL). 

As previously emphasized, the reactions analysed in the 
preceding paragraphs are physiological, a major portion of 
the adjustments of the maternal body, and practically all 
adaptations of embryonic and fetal growth to maternal 
stimuli, being mediated through the blood, which carries 
appropriate hormones. Nevertheless, there must be a con- 
siderable volume of inter-uterine stimulation adequate to 
motor discharge back again to the internal genitals, with 
changes, also, in appetitive stimulations. Tbe resulting 
integrative picture possibly approximates pAaL, though the 
integrations evidently occur, for the most part, at sub-cortical 
levels, giving little introspectively discernable love emotion, 
and certainly no new creation emotion consciousness which 
the subject herself is able to observe and report upon. 

Active Creation of Mother After Birth of Child 

Immediately after birth, however, the situation is changed. 
The infant, normally, is now nourished at the mother's breast. 
The mother, therefore, receives stimulation of the nipples 
from the child's mouth, and some manipulation of the breast 
itself by the child's hands. Watson, and others, have observed 
that the resulting experience to the mother is of an erotic 
variety. That is, in our own terms, a captivation reaction 
seems to appear, evoked by breast stimulation, plus the other 
stimulations of holding the child against the body, and per- 
ception of the child's behaviour indicating need of nourish- 
ment with subsequent satisfaction of the need by means of 


milk supplied by the mother. There is considerable evidence 
that the breasts of the mother are intimately connected with 
the internal genital organs, since the breasts are particularly 
sensitive, and occasionally painful just before and during 
menstrual periods. It seems a good guess, therefore, that the 
motor discharge, following stimulation of the breasts by the 
child's lips, finds its way to the internal genitals. It will be 
remembered that this type of motor discharge is to be regarded 
as evidence that the motor stimuli evoked are in submission 
to the motor self, and constitutes, therefore, an active 
inducement reaction. The child, in other words, is being 
controlled and held in alliance with the mother through 
stimulation of its lips with her breast. Perception of the 
child's need of nourishment evokes from the mother a passive 
submission response which consists of giving up all other 
activity which might conflict with feeding the child. The 
simultaneous compounding of these two responses evokes 
in the mother's central nervous system an integrative pattern 
of true captivation response. Observations of the general 
emotional expression of mothers during the nursing of their 
infants, as well as their verbal reports of introspection indicate 
that an extremely pleasant type of captivation emotion, 
qualitatively distinct, can frequently be introspected by the 
mother herself. 

At the same time there are two other groups of stimuli which 
the mother is reacting to by obvious motor responses. First, 
there are the stimuli arising from the child's weight, size, etc., 
which must be supported and placed in position by the mother 
in order to bring the child to a comfortable posture for feeding. 
Later in life, when the dominance of the child has developed 
to the point where it can sit at table and feed itself, the com- 
pliance response of the mother will be directed toward the food 
materials, instead of toward holding the child himself in posi- 
tion to eat. In both cases, however, the essential nature of 
the reaction seems to be the same. The mother is complying 
with certain objects or materials which, when complied with t are 
capable of satisfying the child's need (pD). Whether the mother 
holds the baby up to her breast, therefore, or whether she later 
cooks and prepares food materials for the child, she is per- 
forming an act of active compliance for the purpose of satis- 
fying the inner need of the infant organism. This need, 
Hunger, is evidenced in the child's behaviour in various ways 


such as crying, making restless movements or making facial 
grimaces indicating th$ unpleasantness it is experiencing. 
These stimuli inform the mother of the child's need. That is, 
they inform her of the hunger stimuli which are dominating 
the infant organism and causing unpleasantness in the baby's 
consciousness. By means of the compliance wftich the mother 
expresses toward the child's weight in holding it against her 
breast, or preparing nourishment in a form which the child 
can easily dominate, the mother passively dominates the infant 
hunger pangs. 

Thus she simultaneously experiences active compliance 
with the means of satisfying the pangs and passive dominance 
toward the hunger pangs themselves in the process of removing 
them. This combination of active compliance 9 and active 
dominance constitutes the compound emotion which we have 
designated as passive appetite or satisfaction. Mothers, while 
nursing or feeding their children frequently report a feeling 
of " intense gratification ", or great satisfaction in being able 
to provide satisfactorily for the child's need, and in observing 
in the child's behaviour, the cessation of unpleasantness which 
it previously had manifested. 

Conscious Characteristics of Active Creation Emotion 

The mother, therefore, while compelling the child to eat 
for its own good, and preparing both child and food in such 
a w^ff that the child's hunger is removed, experiences simul- 
taneously active love and passive appetite. This complex 
emotion we have already designated active creation. Active 
creation emotion appears to possess a distinct type of con- 
sciousness, which can easily be distinguished, and is freely 
reported upon because it is considered socially admirable in 
every way. It is sometimes described as " taking vicarious 
pleasure in doing something for another person ", or as " grati- 
fication in having made him do what was good for him ". 
In the first of these characterizations of active creation, the 
emphasis appears to be in the satisfaction, or passive appetite 
emotion. In the last instance, the emphasis seems just as 
clearly to be placed upon captivation emotion. A considerable 
list of popular terms and introspections in the subject's own 
words might be given, describing active creation emotion. 
All these terms and introspections will be found to include, 
to some degree, both captivation and satisfaction ; and all 


might be divided, roughly, into one of two classes according 
to the emphasis placed upon the active love element, or upon 
the passive appetite element. 

Sex Differences in Active Creation Response 

Active creati&n is an emotion, apparently, which " generous " 
men experience rather frequently, in bringing toys to their 
children, buying clothes for their wives and daughters, or 
bringing presents to their sweethearts. Active creation seems 
to be the preponderant emotional response. There appears 
to be, however, a more or less marked difference between 
active creation reported by mothers of comparatively young 
children, and active creation as experienced by adult males. 
The male experience of active creation contains, as a rule, 
a somewhat more passive love element than true captivation. 
Mothers whose behaviour I have observed, appeared to derive 
fully as much pleasure from expression of captivation emotion 
toward their daughters, especially, as from the satisfaction 
which they were enabled to give their children. 

Males are apt to accept the wish, or demand of a woman 
or child at its face value, bringing to the loved one the particu- 
lar thing demanded. Thus when the gift is presented, the 
chief joy of the giver lies, perhaps, in very extensive satisfac- 
tion in the cost, or special virtue of the article presented. 
This emotion is frequently described as a feeling of " pride " 
in being able to " give my girl the best there is ". The- love 
emotion element is more markedly submissive than inductive. 
It would frequently spoil the pleasure of the generous male 
altogether, if he felt he had persuaded the recipient of the 
gift to accept a different sort of thing from that which she 
originally desired, even though the change in choice might 
obviously suit her much more effectively. Thus the male 
reaction which comes nearest to being active creation is likely 
to exhibit a submissive element which is much more active 
than passive. The satisfaction increment, however, is apt 
to be so strong in this male emotion, that the love response 
portion does not clearly assume the aspect of passion emotion. 

A mother, on the other hand, very frequently loses a con- 
siderable degree of her own pleasure in buying her daughter 
a dress if the daughter succeeds in selecting the frock spon- 
taneously, without the mother's direction. If the youngster 
has heart set on a blue frock, however, and the mother, fully 


confident that she is best able to judge what colours are 
becoming to the child, persuades the girl to accept a green 
costume, the mother appears to experience keen delight in 
having induced the daughter to take (dominate) the green 
dress as an expression of active submission to the mother. 

Occasionally a male of peculiarly acute perceptions in 
matters feminine uses this ability to re-educate a girl's taste 
in clothes, literature, and other esthetic matters. During 
this process, such a male may actually experience a very vivid 
and clear-cut type of active creation emotion. Since the 
subject is a male, his total response is still apt to contain 
more active submission than does the creation emotion of the 
average mother. For this very reason, such a rarely gifted 
male is likely to select the most appropriate ave'nues of ex- 
pression for the girl's development, free from his own personal 
prejudices ; whereas the mother, with a minimum of passive 
submission, may frequently substitute her own dominance 
for true love inducement, actually pleasing herself rather 
than looking out for the daughter's interests. In the main, 
however, males who undertake the development or education 
of daughters or sweethearts are either over-submissive, or 
selfishly dominant. In an instance of the latter sort, a young 
man attempted to compel the girl to whom he was engaged 
to learn to play the violin, simply because the boy himself was 
absorbed in musical interests. The music teacher to whom 
the girl was sent, after a few hectic attempts, refused to give 
her further instruction. The girl " couldn't tell one note from 
another ". Yet her fiance continued to insist that the girl's 
one means of salvation lay in learning to become an accom- 
plished musician. 

Passive Creation (aApL) Evoked From Child 

The emotional responses of the child, on receiving nourish- 
ment and other appetitive benefits from the mother, have 
still to be considered. As previously mentioned, psycho- 
analysts have made much of the erotic emotion supposedly 
derived by the infant from stimulation of its lips with the 
nipple of the mother's breast. A number of writers who do 
not espouse psycho-analytical theories agree that the so-called 
" sensitive ", or " erogenous " zone is by no means limited 
to the infant's genital organs, but also includes its lips and 
other portions of the body. 


judging by adult behaviour and experiences, the lips do 
actually contain receptor organs for stimuli ultimately evoking 
all four types of primary emotional response. Certain types 
of nourishment, notably liquids, are partially dominated with 
the lips. Temperature, touch, and possibly taste stimulations 
of the lips may initiate reflexes tending toward increased 
salivary secretions, and abolishing of hunger pangs ; that is, 
active compliance response to food. Tickling or kissing the 
lips may give rise, in both male and female, to erection of the 
external genital organs, which we have interpreted as an 
active submission response. Finally, use of the lips by a 
woman to arouse passion in a lover, may very possibly result 
in motor discharge to the woman's internal genital organs, 
which has Been construed as an active inducement response. 

Which of these four types of primary emotional responses 
occur in an infant while nursing at the mother's breast is 
problematical, to say the least. I have heard of alleged 
observations of erection, in male children, which occurred, 
it was said, during stimulation of the child's lips by the nipple 
of the mother's breast. But it seems to me that some allow- 
ance must be made for the extraordinary enthusiasm of 
persons psycho-analytically inclined, regarding the matter of 
bringing to light love (" sex ") responses hidden to other eyes. 
I can only say that I have never succeeded in verifying the 
reports cited. In the absence of such finding, it seems im- 
possible to assume with any confidence, that active submlosion 
response of this particular variety is elicited from the child 
by lip stimulation at the breast. 

There are some other evidences of active submission, how- 
ever, such as cuddling responses, and various vocal sounds, 
which may very possibly indicate some sort of submissive 
attitude toward the mother It is also true that the child 
is taught to respond by suckling at the breast with its lips, 
even though no hunger pangs may be motivating him at that 
particular moment. This probably represents a certain more 
or less mechanical type of submission integration in the child's 
nervous system. We may guess, as a result of these secondary 
behaviour symptoms, that there is some submission response 
concerned with the act of suckling at the mother's breast. 

Dominance response would seem more definite and easily 
observable, however, during this infant reaction. When the 
infant's lips are first taught to react, as is frequently necessary, 


by pressing a finger against them until they begin to contract, 
the tonic reinforcement Q lips and jaw musculature can easily 
be detected. It would seem evident that the child is reacting 
to an opposition stimulus, pressed antagonistically, though 
with comparative gentleness, into its mouth, by increasing 
its motor self to dominate the stimulus in a mamler appropriate 
to the portion of the body stimulated, that is to say, the 
mouth. When milk has actually been drawn into the mouth 
by this dominance reaction, there ensue certain gulping and 
voluntary swallowing reactions which are clearly of a dominant 
nature. It would seem probable, therefore, that the infant 
organism experiences a rather emphatic variety of dominance 
reaction in taking the food from the proffered breast, simultane- 
ously with a simpler and less marked degree of' submission 
response toward the mother. 

The passive compliance with hunger pangs, occurring prior 
to and during the act of nursing, needs no especial comment, 
since presumably this passive compliance response closely 
resembles that of an adult who is forced to give up all other 
business during his quest for food. Passive inducement 
expressed toward the mother by the infant's holding up its 
lips to be stimulated with food, and by its various behaviour 
expressions of helpless solicitation of whatever the mother 
may choose to give it, like the active submission element 
involved in taking the breast between the lips, seems somewhat 
problematical so far as the infant is concerned. The variety 
of inducement by which a healthy child does actually attract 
the mother's attention is crying and screaming. 

Appetitive Elements Predominate in Child's Responses 
to Mother 

These types of behaviour, no doubt, represent dominance 
responses on the child's part. It would seem, therefore, 
that both the love elements requisite to distinct passion emotion 
are of such minimal occurrence in the infant consciousness, 
as to merit little weight in comparison to the appetitive elements 
composing active desire for food. Moreover, passive appetite 
also gives every evidence of controlling the infant's total 
consciousness, after the swallowing of milk begins to abolish 
his hunger pangs. If facial expressions and general relaxa- 
tion of body tension give any indication of what is going on 
within the infant organism, a great deal of satisfaction emotion 


is felt by the infant as his hunger pangs are quelled. It 
would seem that this appetitive satisfaction has little, if 
any, connection with emotional responses toward the mother. 
A common sense view of the matter, therefore, based upon 
the infant's behaviour without, of course, any available 
infantile introspection, would suppose that the infant while 
feeding is chiefly concerned with appetite emotion, experienc- 
ing, perhaps, a slight admixture of passion response toward 
the mother. 

As the child grows older, and its dominance behaviour 
becomes more varied as well as more active, a type of situation 
begins to arise, much more frequently, in which the child 
experiences desire for some plaything or sweetmeat which it is 
impossible to obtain without the mother's consent and co- 
operation. Moreover, when the toy or other object is attained, 
the child begins to dominate it actively, thus continuing to 
express desire response rather than relaxing into such placid 
satisfaction emotion as that manifested by the feeding infant. 

Although it is the average adult's chronic point of view 
that appetitive desire is the primary need of human behaviour, 
with love and submission used largely as a means to obtain 
the object of desire, it seems to me still an open question as to 
whether the child learns submission to the mother through 
desire for objects which the mother alone can give, or whether 
the normal child develops submission response as an intrinsically 
pleasant method of behaviour scuffiiently powerful to cutk and 
control dominant desire. So many mothers employ the method 
of teaching the child obedience by bestowing appetitive 
rewards for obedient conduct that it seems to me quite likely 
this use of obedience or submission to serve desire has its 
origin in the method of training rather than in the natural 
unfoldment of the child's own responses. Certain it is that 
submission, once learned as an appetitive technique, is not 
worth very much to the mother, even as a method for tem- 
porarily keeping the child quiet and out of the parent's way. 
The child who learns submission for its own sake does not 
continually return to the parent to inquire whether or not 
the submission period has been long enough to merit the 
promised reward. 

Moreover, from the child's own point of view, the child who 
learns to enjoy submission for its own sake attains a double 
pleasantness in receiving an object of desire given it by ife 


mother. I have observed a number of cases of the relationship 
between child and motlier which give considerable evidence 
that a passion response is evoked from the child by the mother, 
with desire emotion very clearly subsidiary to and frequently 
compounded with the passion response. The very common type 
ef child response which consists of begging the mother to be 
allowed to help her in household tasks, or to go out into the 
garden and pick her favourite fruit or berries, and bring them 
in to her, appears to represent the normal blending of passion 
response and desire emotion, with passion for the mother 
distinctly in control of the reaction. Were desire the pre- 
dominating element, the child might beg to paint the house, 
or to pick his own favourite kind of fruit, permitting the 
mother to share these objects of desire as a mere incident to 
the total response. This type of reaction is frequently seen 
in the behaviour of adolescent boys whose appetite develop- 
ment has begun definitely to predominate over their love 
response. But in normal children of both sexes prior to 
adolescence, it would appear that desire to obtain an appetitive 
object as an expression of passion emotion for the mother com- 
prises the normal attitude on the child's part toward the parent. 
This simultaneous compounding of desire emotion and passion 
response, with desire adapted to passion may be termed 
passive creation emotion. (aApL). 

+?.f others Evoke Passive Creation From Daughters 

Girls, during the adolescent period, frequently develop an 
exaggerated passive creation emotion for their mothers. This 
attitude on the part of the girl appears to give a mother whose 
attention is not predominantly occupied with other pursuits, 
the most concentratedly pleasant experience of her entire 
life. Full play is given to the older woman's preponderant 
captivation response, and if the family means are sufficient, 
the mother also obtains enormous satisfaction in dressing the 
child prettily, and training her in the technique of social 
conduct (the female's appetitive battle ground). In fact, 
the active creation which the mother is able to express toward 
her exaggeratedly passionate daughter, during this period, 
frequently yields such consummate pleasure to the mother 
that she is unwilling to relinquish this relationship with the 
girl at a subsequent period, when it is necessary for the girl 
to begin to live her own life free from the mother's control. 



The habits of emotional bondage which the girl may have 
formed during her phase of concentrated passive creation 
emotion are likely to persist throughout a major portion of 
the daughter's life if they are not boldly broken by the girl 
herself upon the completion of adolescence. 

I have had two cases, in clinic, of college girls who were 
still under this type of maternal constraint, with very great 
detriment to the girls in question. In one instance, the mother 
undoubtedly realized that her period of maximally efficient 
active creation emotion toward the girl was over, yet clung 
to her control over the daughter as a frankly selfish pleasure 
to herself. 

In the other case, the mother seemed not to realize that 
she had passed the limit of her own ability to actively create 
further development in her child. When induced squarely 
to face this fact, the mother's creative attitude did not pass 
over into appetite, but compelled her to release the daughter 
from the emotional control no longer helpful to the girl's 
mature development. This mother showed true love, and 
by this very action renewed her love relationship with the 
girl, the mother now assuming a more passive role, and the 
girl a more active one. 

The personnel officer of one of the largest corporations in 
America, who has spent twenty-five years or more in making 
a sympathetic, yet eminently clear-headed study of the 
needs and personalities of employees ranging from $40,000 
a year sales managers to unskilled girl clerks barely of legal 
age, informed me, in personal conversation, that one of his 
most pressing problems with respect to women employees is 
this very relationship of complete emotional control exercised 
by mothers over their daughters. In several instances, 
women over fifty years of age are still heH rigidly confined 
to the needs and commands of a querulous, and perhaps 
thoroughly incompetent mother, who originally gained 
control over her daughter through the extraordinarily intense 
creation relationship consummated during the daughter's 
adolescence. Such cases seem to present evidence of the 
tremendous emotional strength of active creation response 
on the mother's part, and of the strength of the original 
passive creation emotion experienced by the daughter. These 
cases serve, also, to point the danger of continuing this crea- 
tion emotion relationship, after the mother has ceased to 


be able to further her Daughter's development or well being 
in any way. From this point on, the relationship maintained 
by habit and force of social custom and law inevitably develops 
into appetitive dominance on the mother's part, and indifferent 
or unpleasant compliance on the part of the daughter. 

Artistic Creation Expresses Passive Creation Emotion 

Perhaps the most important expression of passive creation 
in adult life is that of artistic production. Observation of a 
considerable number of artists, together with analysis of 
their introspection and other verbal responses, has led me to 
conclude that the popular term " passion for art " is an 
apt description of the complex emotional response which 
motivates artists who are capable of producing true art. 
Too great an admixture of active creation emotion in male 
artists, at least, seems usually to result in substitution of 
dominance for inducement. " Freak " art, or perverted, 
destructive art, of any sort, is inevitably produced in con- 
sequence of this controlling dominance emotion. Perhaps 
it is too sweeping a statement to say that all great works 
of art have been produced as an expression of passion re- 
sponse to some woman, real or imagined who has strongly 
captivated the artist. But I can say that in all the cases 
where I have had opportunity personally to observe and to 
anajjjse male artists' emotional responses, I have been able 
to establish beyond reasonable doubt that passion for a 
woman or women (sometimes imaginary women) is the sine 
qua non of artistic creation. 

Varying degrees of dominance and compliance may appear 
in the active appetite or desire which impels the artist to 
gather his materials, and to dominate them successfully in 
the form desired. Some indubitably great artists are ex- 
tremely dominant, scorning any considerable amount of 
compliance preparation for the work to be produced. The 
results of such artists appear to be bold and strongly com- 
pelling. Sarah Bernhardt, Cyril Scott, Leo Ornstein, and 
other artists who have always insisted upon creating a new 
vogue in their particular field of art rather than complying 
with the concept of character portrayal or harmonics con- 
ventionally espoused by their predecessors, probably ex- 
emplify this strongly dominant type. At the other extreme 
we find artists who possess an enormous amount of compliance 


in the appetitive portion of their artistic response, producing 
as a result very great delicacy and Subtlety of artistic crea- 
tion. Such artists, also, are apt to comply with the current 
technique and conventions in their own particular field of 

But whichever type of dominance-compliance emphasis 
may obtain in the appetitive portion of the artist's emotion, 
strong passion expressed toward the model or imagined 
captivatress who is regarded, perhaps " subconsciously ", 
as dictating an ideal pattern, would seem to control the entire 
creation responses of all true artists from first to last. In 
landscape painting, or lyric poetry, this passion for captivating 
women, real or imagined, is less obvious than in sculptures 
made from nude models, and poetry directly dedicated to the 
feminine object of adoration. It is my suggestion, however, 
that artistic portrayals of " nature " represent a certain 
type of transfer of the passion response, from a human or 
idealized woman to the beautiful or harmoniously powerful 
aspects of inanimate objects and forces. The verbal responses 
of artists of this type give considerable evidence of a sort 
of animistic attitude toward " mother nature ", or " nature 
the beautiful " which lead one to believe that the artists' 
response toward nature is one of active submission rather 
than an attitude of aesthetic compliance. In the case of 
artists like Edgar Allen Poe, the controlling element of the 
creative emotional pattern which enabled him to wnfe a 
lyric poem of unsurpassed beauty such as " Bells ", seems 
clearly revealed by this man's other poems, directly revealing 
passion for beautiful women. In his " Philosophy of Com- 
position ", Poe maintains that the beauty of women is 
incomparable, the death of a beloved and beautiful woman 
the supreme loss, " and the most poetical topic in the world ". 
And this from a lyric poet 1 " With me ", says Poe, " poetry 
has been not a purpose, but a passion "- 1 

It seems a notable fact, also, that a large majority of creative 
artists prior to the present age have been men. True passion, 
as we have already noted, is the type of love response for 
which the male organism is pre-eminently fitted. Any passive 
creation is, therefore, the type of emotional creation response 
which might be expected to predominate in the spontaneous 
behaviour of male artists. We have also observed, however, 

I Preface tq the Poe Collection of 1845, signed " E.A.P." 


that the human female organism possesses a double physiologi- 
cal love endowment, capable of building up both active and 
passive love emotion patterns. While a majority of women 
might be expected, therefore, to devote themselves to captiva- 
tion emotion, for which woman alone possesses an adequate 
mechanism, the female passion response when^ and if devoted 
to artistic creation might be expected to prove itself unusually 
potent, and delicate in its form of expression. Such seems 
to have been the result in the cases of those well known women 
artists whose work is directly comparable with that of male 
artists. One might mention, in this connection, the works of 
Sappho, Le Brune, Laurence Hope, George Sand, Elizabeth 
Barrett Browning, and Christina Rossetti. Woman's passion, 
when expressed in artistic creation, frequently, appears to 
contain a much larger proportion of pure passion element 
than is the case with the majority of male artists. The writ- 
ings of Sappho and Laurence Hope serve to illustrate this 
point. In general, creative artists of both sexes seem motivated 
by desire adapted to passion, or passive creation emotion. 

Active Creation Motivates Physicians, Teachers, Clergymen 

The most important expressions of active creation in adult 
life would appear to be of the type represented by the pro- 
fessions of the teacher, physician, and clergyman. The latter 
is by far the most frank and thorough-going attempt to express 
CQiajDined captivation emotion and passive appetite response. 
The theorv of priesthood, in nearly all religions and civiliza- 
tions, has consisted of active supervision by the priest over 
the behaviour of the people with resultant duty on the priest's 
part to supply spiritual or physical sustenance, or both, to 
meet the needs of the persons submitting to him. This appears 
to be the essence of active creation response. Under the 
political theories of church and state which obtained in Europe 
throughout the early middle ages, the head of the priesthood 
exercised appetitive as well as love control over the conduct 
of human kind. Though the appetitive control of the priest- 
hood over the lay citizenry has been theoretically abolished, 
there still remains a considerable amount of appetitive power 
residuent in the supposed male love leaders of the people, 
though this power must now be exercised through control of 
social customs and conventions. It is not profitable to 
attempt to discover to what degree it is possible for a male in 


a position of leadership of this priestly type, to exercise a 
true love captivation response over other males, and over 
women who place themselves under his power and control. 

In the case of male leaders in politics, and industry, as we 
have already noted, the amount of true active love response 
likely to be exorcised, spontaneously, toward employees or 
underlings, is comparatively slight. Dominance and appetite 
creep in and control the intended love response, despite the 
best intentions of the male leader, for dominant appetitive 
emotion "is the nature of the animal". Perhaps this is 
otherwise in the case of male church leaders. I have not 
ventured to make any personal investigation of their emotional 
patterns of behaviour. In the case of male teachers and 
physicians, bowever, the active creation results most helpful 
to their students and patients are most often obtained when 
the person submitting to instruction or medical treatment 
chances to satisly the appetitive interests of the male teacher, 
or doctor to a considerable degree. A maximum amount of 
attention is apt to be paid to persons who can be taught or 
healed without any unusually altruistic alteration of attitude 
becoming necessary on the part of the male who is attempting 
to play the r6le of active creation. I have personally analysed 
many cases, however, in which a male teacher or physician 
reacted to another's need with a creative response undoubtedly 
controlled, in the main, by its love element, though this love 
element could scarcely be called captivation emotion. Ajj,in 
the cases before mentioned, where male lovers or parents gave 
gifts to their loved ones, so in the love controlled behaviour 
of men physicians and teachers, active submission to the 
existing needs and desires of the stimulus person appear largely 
to replace the active inducement to change the stimulus person's 
desires or conduct, which is so characteristic of the love 
behaviour of a mother toward her daughter, or of a woman 
captivatress toward her lover. In the main, I have encoun- 
tered no evidence which leads me to believe that any but the 
most peculiarly gifted male is psycho-physiologically capable 
of sustaining an attitude of true love captivation for any 
length of time, toward persons of either sex. 


Love and appetite are found combined, simultaneously, 
in a complex emotional response, termed creation emotion. 


This emotion expresses itself in a mother's responses toward 
the child to whom she gives birth, and for whose nourishment 
and protection she later provides. The mother's response is 
active creation, consisting of captivation emotion toward the 
child, simultaneously compounded with satisfaction emotion 
expressed toward the satisfaction of the child's needs. In 
the child's responses toward the mother, during this same 
relationship, the child's response is passive creation con- 
sisting of passion response toward the mother simultaneously 
compounded with active appetite toward the food, or other 
appetitive benefit in the mother's possession. 

During active creation each of the appetitive primary 
emotional elements is adapted to and used for the consumma- 
tion of a corresponding primary element of the love emotion. 
In the mother's response of active creation she complies 
actively with the food materials, in order to actively induce 
the child to dominate the materials. The mother passively 
dominates influences inimical to the child's welfare, in order 
to passively submit to the child's needs rather than her own. 

In the child's response of passive creation, the individual 
reaction elements are arranged in the same way, each separate 
appetitive element being adapted to and used for the con- 
summation of a corresponding love element. The child 
passively complies with its hunger pangs or other need by 
giving up all other pleasurable occupations, in order passively 
traduce the mother to give her attention to the child. The 
child then obeys or actively submits to the mother, by domin- 
ating whatever food she directs. 

The natural physical relationship between mother and child 
seems to furnish a training mechanism and pattern for the 
type of integration compbsing creative emotion just as the 
bodily mechanisms of hunger and menstruation furnish train- 
ing mechanisms and patterns for appetite and love respectively. 

Active creation emotion appears to reach a height of 
extreme intensity and pleasantness in the normal love be- 
haviour of a mother toward her adolescent daughter, while 
passive creation may reach a similar degree of pleasantness 
and extensity in the relationship of the daughter to the mother 
at this period. 

True artistic creation seems to represent one of the most 
important expressions of passive creation during adult life. 
The artist, whether male or female, being motivated by desire 


to dominate his materials in such a way as to produce a work 
of art consummating most perfectly his passion response to a 
captivating woman, real or imagined. 

Professions like that of the clergyman, the teacher, or the 
physician, seem to represent important adult expressions of 
active creative, emotion. Males who essay the career of 
teacher or physician are seldom able because of their bodily 
limitations and training, to maintain pure active love response, 
with true captivation emotion toward their students or 
patients. They are apt, on the one hand, to exchange induce- 
ment for dominance, and to use those who submit to them for 
their own purposes, or, on the other hand, to substitute active 
submission for inducement in the love portion of their creative 
responses, apd thus approximate the type of passive love 
response which male parents and lovers frequently manifest 
in giving gifts to children or loved ones. Women teachers, 
whose pupils are of appropriate age, may, like mothers, express 
true active creation toward their pupils ; and it would seem 
possible that women physicians also might express true active 
creation in their professional relationships at least, toward 
other women and children. 


WE have noted that efficient functioning of dominance and 
compliance, either in simultaneous or successive combination, 
requires a certain definite relationship between those two 
types of primary emotional reactions. Compliance is the 
preliminary, preparatory response. Its value in, the general 
behaviour pattern is to act as a sort of first assistant to domin- 
ance. Compliance response is used to select the most efficient 
portion of the motor self to be reinforced, and also as a sort 
of escape valve to permit the discharge of over-intense antagon- 
istic motor stimuli which might otherwise destroy some part 
of the motor self. To serve these functions, compliance 
must precede a compensating dominance response, and it must 
be adapted to the dominance reaction which brings the organ- 
ism back to its natural reflex equilibrium. 

Sherrington 1 has recently stated that he finds no tonic 
reinforcement mechanisms in the flexor muscles of limbs 
whose natural anti-gravitational posture is maintained by 
tonic discharge to the extensor muscles. We have then a 
situation where compliance response must first inhibit the 
normal tonic (motor self) discharge to the extensors, and must 
then contract the flexor muscle. This flexor contraction, 
then, draws the limb into an unnatural condition of balance, 
not suited for holding the animal erect against the influence 
of gravity. Unless this compliance response is compensated 
for, and terminated by an equal and opposite dominance 
response, the animal can no longer stand erect, or maintain a 
balanced posture. The compliance response, then, must be 
allowed to occur only in a limb the reaction of which can be 
balanced temporarily, by the tonic positions of the other limbs ; 
and the compliant flexing of the limb moved must be allowed 
to proceed only to the point of maximal efficiency for the 

1 C. S. Sherrington, Lecture given before the New York Academy of 
Medicine, October 25th, 1927. 



application of the dominance response to follow. If the 
dominant extensor movement of the limb be interrupted by 
flexor, or compliant inhibition before the dominance response 
is completed, then this secondary, or intervening flexor re- 
sponse must again be terminated, and compensated for by a 
dominant extensor reaction especially paired with it. In 
short, we may lay down the rule that a dominance response 
can never be paired with a compliance reaction which follows 
it, and controls it, without loss of equilibrium to the entire 
organism. Compliance must always be adapted to dominance ; 
dominance may never be adapted to compliance without injury 
to the subject. 

The normal, efficient relationship, then, between these two 
fundamental appetitive responses, indicates that the very life 
of the organism itself depends upon the continuous supremacy 
of the motor self, and the selection of such compliant re- 
sponses that these acts of compliance will enable the motor 
self again to rule supreme over the motor stimuli temporarily 
complied with. The environment must be adapted to the organ- 
ism, not the organism to the environment. Preliminary adaptations 
of the organism to environment are only for the purpose of better 
compelling the environment to serve the needs of the organism 
by nourishing it and complying with it in a multitude of other 
ways. In terms of tonic and anti-tonic innervations, the 
animal complies with environment by drawing back its foot, 
but only for the purpose of being able to extend its foot a Ji+ f le 
further than before, and thus to dominate its environment 
more completely. The idea of adaptation to environment 
has been so strongly emphasized, in theories of biology and 
evolution, that it is difficult, at first, to realize that adaptation 
to environment is a means only, and never an end of human 
or animal action. 

It is when adaptation to environment becomes the chief 
end of existence, to which the vital activities of the organism 
itself are adjusted, that destruction of the organism really 
begins. The only animal completely adapted to its environment 
is a dead animal, the tissues of whose body have substantially 
decomposed, thus returning once more to chemical forms of 
energy completely adapted to the chemical energy forms of 
its environment. Adaptation, in short, is efficacious and 
constructive for just so long as it is used to enable the animal 
to compel the environment to adapt itself to the uses which 


the animal organism seeks to make of the environment. *It 
is the old question of mechanistic-type cause versus vitalistic- 
type cause. The environment represents a mechanistic- 
type cause, and the human or animal a vitalistic-type cause. 
The mechanistic-type cause must be allowed to alter the 
behaviour of the organism sufficiently to generate in the 
organism, as it were, sufficiently potent forms of energy to 
act as vitalistic-type causes exerting greater influence upon 
the environment than the environment is exercising upon the 
organism. In terms of primary emotions, the organism must 
adapt its compliance to its dominance at all times. 

When dominance is adapted to compliance, the resulting 
relationship of primary emotional responses may justly be termed 
a reversal. Reversals of the normal relationship between 
successive dominance and compliance responses may be 
brought about either by too much dominance or by too much 
compliance. That is to say, dominance may flare up against 
a compulsory compliance reaction for the purpose of removing 
it, and so may prevent the organism from adopting a new 
type of compliance response which is adapted to dominant 
control and, therefore, could be used to bring the organism 
back to its normal, dominant balance, once more. This type 
of situation may be termed over-dominant reversal. It is a 
ram butting his head against an immovable wall with furious 
determination to destroy this particular obstacle for the very 
re^gon that the wall has already compelled him to compliance 
by stopping him in his course. A conflict is inevitable, 
as a result. It is a conflict wherein dominance attacks 

The opposite type of reversal relationship between domin- 
ance and compliance may be brought about by too much 
compliance. Compliance may run riot in the central nervous 
system, preventing the organism from adopting a new domin- 
ance response which tends to limit, in any way, the magnified 
compliance responses already evoked. During this integrative 
condition, only those dominance responses are made which are 
completely adapted to the controlling compliance reactions. 
This type of situation may be termed over-compliant reversal. 
It is a child running away from his shadow, with terrified 
abandon of every desire save that to run toward a place where 
his invincible opponent is not. A continuous series of con- 
flicts between compliance and dominance emotions results, 


with compliance always holding the whip hand. These are 
conflicts wherein compliance attacks dominance. 

Over-Dominant Reversals Rage 

The line of demarcation between mere over-dominance 
and over-dominant reversal falls just between mere stubborn- 
ness and rage. When one holds the arms of an infant, the 
baby responds with sheer dominance so long as his motor self 
merely calls upon every available reinforcement to throw off 
the restraint imposed upon the child's normal, spontaneous 
movements. The baby is over-dominant, or stubborn. But 
when the baby begins to cry, or to howl with an impotent 
but revengeful note in his voice, or otherwise manifests a 
baffled behaviour element, it is the signal that his compulsory 
compliance with a superior opponent has been forced into his 
emotional consciousness, and that his dominance, thenceforth, 
seeks partially at least, to injure his opponent rather than to 
restore his normal freedom of movement. The baby has been 
compelled partially to comply. He no longer strives solely 
to adapt his compliance to his dominance. He adapts, rather, 
the whole dominance of his being to attacking and destroying 
this one, particular compliance response. The baby is experienc- 
ing rage. 

Rage is an abnormal emotion, which occurs all too frequently 
in adult life. Since rage customarily springs from over- 
dominance, as in the behaviour of a new-born infant, "*st 
considered, it is an emotion that is mistakenly thought by 
many people to be normal and even advantageous. Aside 
from the destructive disorganization of the subject's emotions 
which rage produces, however, and aside from the physical 
injury to the subject's body which frequently results from 
physical expression of rage (the ram's skull broken against 
the offending wall), rage is not efficient nor beneficial in 
eliminating the opponent and restoring the normal, successful, 
dominance of the subject over his environment. If the en- 
raged subject does, eventually, dominate his environment, it 
is the unbaffled dominance which accomplishes this result 
successfully, and not the baffled dominance which has given 
itself up solely to the attack upon an opponent which has 
already beaten the subject. If this superior opponent is to 
be destroyed, as a measure of restoring the subject's supre- 
macy over his environment, the destruction will actually be 


accomplished by a new series of compliance reactions, designed 
to select the vulnerable places in the antagonist and to domin- 
ate those places. This proceeding may require dominance 
raised to such a pitch of intensity and violence that the sub- 
ject himself thinks of it as rage. But any such series of success- 
ful attacking reactions can be shown to be composed of a series 
of compliance responses properly adapted to succeeding domin- 
ance reactions. There is no rage at all in such behaviour, 
though, of course, rage may be superadded, with corres- 
ponding loss of efficiency. The rage part of the response is 
always futile, and is, therefore, abnormal. 

Another source of confusion, in the popular mind, between 
rage and the successful dominance with which it may be mixed, 
springs from the fact that men and animals who possess extra- 
ordinary dominance also tend to permit this dominance to 
break over, frequently into rage. That is to say, a man more 
powerful than his opponent can indulge in rage without suffer- 
ing defeat. The unanalytical conclusion tends to follow, 
in the average mind, that it was rage that produced the victory. 
The superior, intense, dominance power is obvious to all, and 
this may be identified, unthinkingly, with the baffled deter- 
mination to rid himself of all compliance immediately, at 
whatever cost to himself. When an opponent ultimately 
appears who is intelligent enough to perceive this rage as a 
weakness, and to take advantage of it accordingly, the person 
o^uperior dominance is defeated. Such cases may be found 
in the heavyweight boxing contests between Dempsey and 
Tunney. The former champion, Dempsey, could hit harder, 
and attack more aggressively. He was by far the more 
dominant fighter. But he indulged frequently in rage ; he 
liked to fume and flail about, trying to get rid arbitrarily of 
all enforced compliance with his opponent. Tunney, an 
unusually compliant and intelligent boxer, almost literally 
cut Dempsey's face to ribbons with punches delivered during 
Dempsey's raging moments of anti-compliant attack. Though 
tremendous dominance power is frequently found associated 
with rage, and though such powerful dominance frequently 
succeeds over weaker opponents despite its handicap of lapses 
into rage behaviour, it may be stated as an infallible rule that 
supremacy over antagonists is only attained by adapting com- 
pliance to dominance, and is never attained by adapting over- 
compliance, as in rage. 


There is a considerable series of abnormal emotions which 
take their origin from over-dominarlt reversals of this same 
general type. Thwarted dominance, irritability, " bad 
temper ", revenge, and depression may be mentioned as mem- 
bers of this series. Manic depressive insanity may also be 
traced to over-dominant reversal, whatever physiological or 
other physical cause may be shown to be responsible for the 
reversal of response relationships in these extreme cases of 
obvious abnormality. But the present volume, as its title 
implies, is devoted primarily to normal emotions, and further 
consideration of this abnormal series must be reserved, there- 
fore, for discussion elsewhere. 

Over-Compliant Reversals Fear 

The line of demarcation between over-compliance and 
over-compliance reversal may be found between the experiences 
of startle and fear. When one clashes a dishpan with a stick 
close behind an infant's ear, a visible start, jump, or startle 
may be evoked. This response consists, it would seem, of an 
over-sudden and over-extensive inhibition of the motor self, 
with its outflowing tonic energy being cut off abruptly. The 
compliant, anti-tonic motor discharge which thus conquers 
the motor self, finds expression in the quick, uncontrollable 
jerk of appropriate anti-tonic muscles. This initial startle 
response may be followed immediately, after the infant has 
learned the proper C + D relationship of primary reactions, by 
crawling or walking away from the source of the startle 
stimulus. In this case there need be no reversal, and con- 
sequently no fear. There is, perhaps, a certain amount of 
over-compliance. The child moves farther and more quickly 
than he need do in order eventually to dominate the startling 
stimulus. But the compliant movements, though over- 
extensive, are well adapted to place the child in a position 
where his dominant reactions can supersede, once more, the 
compulsory compliance, and so restore the normal, dominant 
supremacy of the child over his environment. So far, com- 
pliance remains adapted to dominance. 

If, however, the child cries, closes its eyes, or falls down, 
as reported by Watson 1 in his fear experiments with children, 
we find responses occurring which are in no way adapted to ulti- 

1 J. B. Watson, Behaviourism, p. 121, 


mate dominance. In these reactions, there not only appears 
to be over-compliance with the superior antagonist, but there 
is also a failure to select those compliance responses which will 
lead to dominance behaviour capable of replacing them. 
Instead, reactions like closing the eyes and crying are in- 
dulged in, which represent types of dominant behaviour 
selected only because they are capable of co-existing with the 
over-compliance responses. The one dominance response 
which might serve to re-establish the subject's supremacy 
over environment, that is, walking or running away, is in- 
hibited by compliance with the superior antagonist, and the 
child falls down. A small amount of dominance, in short, is 
adapted to a very large amount of compliance, ancj. even such 
dominance as may be left is attacked and partially defeated 
by compliance. Dominance no longer seeks to terminate and 
replace compliance ; it seeks only to adapt itself in such a way 
as to avoid conflict with the over- compliance response completely 
controlling the organism's behaviour. In this process, neces- 
sarily, dominance is attacked and largely destroyed (weakened) 
by over-compliance. The baby is experiencing fear. 

Some years ago, I called attention to the fact that James* 
famous suggestion that we are afraid of the bear because we 
run from it must be amended so as to read : " We are afraid 
of the bear because we do not run away from it fast enough ".* 
We must now amend James' statement about the bear still 
furtiier. We do not run away from the bear fast enough because 
we are trying to suit the bear and not ourselves. If the running 
psychologist cared not a whit about whether he was conforming 
sufficiently to the bear's movements but was conscious only of a 
strongly dominant determination to beat that bear by hook or by 
crook, he would undoubtedly escape if not from the bear, at 
least from all fear of the bear. For fear comes only when domin- 
ance tries to adapt itself to its mortal enemy, over-compliance. 

A great deal of foolishness has been written about fear. 
The source of fear has been sought in " sex ", in the " libido ", 
in childhood " suppressions ", and in a thousand other obscure 
and unlikely places. Fear is really a very simple reversal 
of primary emotional responses, with the cart put before the 
horse, and that is all there is to it. It is this reversal relation- 

1 W. M. Marston, " A Theory of Emotions and Affection based upon 
Systolic Blood Pressure Studies," American Journal of Psychology, 1924, 
vol, XXXV, pp. 469-506, 


ship of responses that is learned in childhood, and not specific 
fears of this and that. t 

Mrs. Jones has shown the " spread " of child fears, from 
loud noises to furry annimals, etc. 1 ; and the assumption has 
been almost universally adopted that each fear became " con- 
ditioned " as a response to some new object, by means of some 
hypothetical associative connection between the first stimulus 
to fear and the new object evoking fear. I would rather say 
that the first fear response teaches, to some extent, a reversed 
adaptation of dominance to compliance during reactions to 
objects bearing a certain relationship to the child's organism ; 
that is, objects antagonistic and of superior strength. Then 
the child is further taught (by associations in time or sensory 
qualities) that other kinds of objects fall into this class. Each 
new fear response, then, not only tends to classify another 
object or group of objects in the antagonistic-superior class, 
but also enhances more and more the reversal of primary 
response relationship in reactions to this class of stimuli in 
general. Thus fear, each time it is evoked, " spreads " both in 
respect to the number of stimuli able to evoke it, and also, more 
importantly, in respect to the tendency for the reversed relation- 
ship of dominance adapted to compliance to be evoked whenever 
either one of these responses occurs throughout life. 

This may mean, before adolescence has passed, that the 
subject lives in an almost perpetual condition of fear, when- 
ever he or she tries to contact " the world " without some 
protecting guardian to dictate the subject's actions. It does 
mean, oftentimes, that the reversal between dominance and 
compliance becomes a chronic one, with fear initially evoked, 
nearly always, by new and unknown situations and people ; 
and with compensatory rage likely to follow hard upon the 
heels of fear, whenever the subject gets away by himself, free 
from the compulsion of the person or thing felt as superior and 

No elaborate and mysterious series of " suppressions " and 
" complexes " need be worked out, (except, possibly for 
propaganda purposes, in treating the subject). It doesn't 
make the least difference, in any of the cases I have studied, 
whether the person first learned the over-compliance type of 
reversal giving rise to fear from a barking bull-dog or from 

1 Mary C. Jones, " The Elimination of Children's Fears," Journal of 
Experimental Psychology, 1924, p. 328, 


being left alone in a dark room at the age of three. However 
he learned the reversed relationship between dominance ajid 
compliance! he has two* tasks now before him : First, to un- 
learn the reversal ; second, to learn the correct relationship, 
(C + D). One need never mention the word " fear ", unless 
for convenience in restraining the subject. * Fear vanishes, 
automatically, when the subject has learned to adapt his com- 
pliance to his dominance in all responses, to all objects. 

I have accomplished this retraining, in a few cases, in ten 
minutes. In other cases, I have worked for years without 
nearly completing the retraining apparently necessary. It 
is all a question of studying the individual subject, establish- 
ing a sufficiently submissive relationship of subject to trainer, 
and then using the symbology and terminology, and primary 
emotional stimulations which mean most to the particular 
subject being treated. One generality may be indulged in, 
however. Removing the mystery from fear is nine-tenths of 
the battle. So long as any person thinks of fear as some great, 
hidden, cosmic force that is ready to jump down his throat any- 
time, from the great beyond, from the " libido ", from the evolu- 
tionary history of the race, or even from his own childhood " com- 
plexes " and " repressions," the clinical psychologist hasn't 
one chance in a million to get rid of it for him. Those concepts, 
in my experience, constitute precisely the most effective teachers 
of over-compliance reversal and fear, that it is possible to 

Worry, timidity, retreat from reality, seclusiveness, and 
" inadequate personality ", as well as outright terrors and 
phobias, all find their roots in over-compliance reversal. This 
book, however, is not the place for their further discussion, 
since all fears are abnormal emotions. 

Dominance and Fear in Deception Tests 

In 1917, I reported to the literature discovery of the so- 
called systolic blood pressure deception test. 1 My results 
indicated that the systolic blood pressure tends to rise in a 
characteristic curve whenever a subject who was to deceive 
the experimenter concerning some alleged " crime " of which 
he was accused, was asked a crucial question by the cross- 
examiner. Increase of systolic blood pressure evidently 

1 W. M. Mars ton, " Systolic Blood Pressure Symptoms of Deception/' 
Journal of Experimental Psychology, 1917, pp. 117-163, 



accompanies increase of the motor self, that is, increased tonic 
motor discharge through sympathetic autonomic channels. 
There appears to be, therefore, a maf ked access of power put 
forth by the organism to meet the challenge of a crucial ques- 
tion which threatens to defeat the subject's self-assumed task 
of deception. Following the terminology current among 
physiologists and psychologists, I termed the emotion thus 
revealed " fear ". It should actually be called dominance. 

The nature of this dominance response during deception 
was further revealed in a subsequent series of experiments 
during which we measured the reaction time during deception, 
with the extra time required for additional mental work of 
deception eliminated from each series of reaction time 
measurements. This research revealed a distinct type of 
deception subject who reacts more quickly when lying than 
when telling the truth. 1 Goldstein later published results 
showing that a still greater proportion of subjects were of 
negative reaction-time type during deception when no more 
mental work was required during deception than duiing 
truth telling.* In a subsequent unpublished experiment, 
E. H. Marston and I measured association reaction times of 
subjects of both sexes, allowing the subjects time to think 
up any association word they chose, after hearing the stimulus 
word, and before being called upon to respond with the word 
they had selected. (Blood pressure was simultaneously 
recorded with Tycos sphygmomanometer). Comparisons ot 
reaction times when the subject was given the true word 
(printed on a list given to the subject) and reaction times 
when he was attempting to deceive the experimenter by 
substituting a word of his own, were then made. The results 
of this experiment finally convinced me that the active emotional 
response element characterizing deception is not "fear", but 
rather dominance. 

Though it is dominance which betrays the deceiver in 
the two tests mentioned, however, theie is probably a good 
deal of fear actually present in the consciousness of nearly 
all subjects under examination for alleged deception, whether 
in the laboratory situation or in the court room. Fear it is 

1 W. M. Marston, " Reaction-Time Symptoms of Deception," Journal 
of Experimental Psychology, 1920, pp. 72-87. 

1 E. R. Goldstein, " Reaction-Times and the Consciousness of Decep- 
tion," 1923, American Journal of Psychology, pp. 562-581. 


that renders the attempted deception less efficient in many ways ; 
while it is the most successful type of liar who betrays him- 
self most readily in breathing and blood pressure changes 
symptomatic of dominance (as previously pointed out by 
Benussi 1 and myself). The inactive, weak liar may frequently 
reveal himself by lengthened reaction times, disclosure of 
guilty knowledge in association responses, and self-betrayals 
under cross examination. 

Of course, the weaker type of deceiver, although more 
subject to fear, still responds dominantly to crucial questions 
and so may be betrayed by rises in systolic blood pressure. 
But this dominance is of lesser extent, is more easily over- 
whelmed, and betrays itself by a more erratic, less smoothly 
progressive series of rises in systolic blood pressure. Wher- 
ever fear exists in the responses of a would-be deceiver, it 
is found to express itself in symptoms of conflict between 
ineffective attempts on the subject's part to conceal what he 
knows and compulsory over-compliance with the demands 
of the cross examiner. Fear, during deception, gives ex- 
perimental proof of its true nature. It consists of enfeebled 
dominance trying to adapt itself to over-compliance with a 
stimulus (the cross examiner) which is antagonistic and of 
superior strength to the subject ; with the subject's dominance, 
thus reversed, in constant conflict with his compulsory compliance, 
and constantly being partially defeated by it. 

JThis conclusion concerning the nature of the subject's 
emotional responses while he is being tested for deception 
leads to the discovery that there are two distinct types of 
so-called " Deception Test ". First, there are tests of the 
dominance used by the liar to tighten his grip on the secret 
knowledge in his possession, which the examiner is trying 
to pull away from him. Second, there are tests of defeats 
of this dominant reaction (fear), by over-compliance evoked 
by over-intensity of stimulation applied by the cross-examiner. 
The dominance test is applicable to all subjects without 
exception ; the fear test is applicable only to those subjects 
who are habitually addicted to the over-compliance reversal 
of relationship between D and C, or who can be forced into 
this reversal by the conditions of the test. The dominance 
test reveals the subject's deceptions by detecting each increase 

1 V, Benussi, "Die Atmungsymptome der Luge," Archiv. fur die 
Gesampte Psychologic, 1914, pp. 244-271. 


of effort that he makes to withold the truth ; the fear test reveals 
deception only at those times when the subject yields to torture by 
relaxing his grip, slightly, on the concealed facts. The dominance 
test situation must encourage the subject to lie just as strenu- 
ously as he wants to ; the fear test situation must seek to 
defeat the subject's deception at every turn. 

The dominance tests for deception are : rise in systolic 
blood pressure (Mars ton) ; change in ratio of expiration to 
inspiration (Benussi, Burtt) ; and shortening of reaction times 
(Marston ). Fear tests are : lengthening of reaction times, guilty 
associations (Wertheimer, Jung) ; self-betrayal by incon- 
sistencies of verbal responses, or by confusion of statements 
or confession under torture. H. E. Burtt 1 and other reliable 
investigators, report most successful and consistent results 
with the systolic blood pressure tests, and the breathing 
ratio test, under laboratory conditions. These are both 
tests of dominance. H. S. Langfeld 2 , Jung 8 , and others, 
report good results with lengthening of reaction time test, 
under similar conditions. This is distinctly a fear test. 
Burtt, Troland, and n^self,* in testing various types of 
deception test for war purposes, in court and laboratory, 
found the blood pressure test most useful, and the lengthening 
of reaction time tests least valuable, especially in actual 
court cases. J. A. Larsen, who has used deception tests 
of all types, in court cases, upon more than a thousand sus- 
pects, has omitted the association-word and reaction-time 
tests from his later technique, depending chiefly upon the 
systolic blood-pressure test, " while retaining the breathing 
curve as a check ". 6 Larson is quoted by C. T. McCormick* 
who has recently made a most careful and painstaking study 
of the present status of deception tests in America, as stating 
that his technique has been used successfully in the Police 

1 H. E. Burtt, " The Inspiration-Expiration Ratio During Truth and 
Falsehood," Journal of Experimental Psychology, 1921, vol. IV, p. 18. 

1 H. S. Langfield, "Psychological Symptoms of Deception," 1920, 
Journal of Abnormal Psychology, vol. XV, pp. 319-247. 

8 C. G. Jung, " The Association Method," American Journal of 
Psychology, 1910, vol. XXI, pp. 219-269. See also Brain, 1907, vol. 
XXX, p 153. 

* W. M. Marston, " Psychological Possibilities in the Deception 
Tests," Journal of Criminal Law and Criminology, vol. XI, no. 4, pp. 

5 C. T. McCormick, " Deception Tests and the Law of Evidence," 
California Law Review, September, 1927, p. 491, 

Ibid, p. 491-492. 


Department of Los Angeles, Oakland, Duluth, and Evanston. 
Which means, apparently, that the dominance type of deception 
test, in actual practice, turns out to be by far the most reliable. 

Reversed Relationships Between Submission and 
Inducement * 

Reversals of the normal relationship between submission 
and inducement are responsible for conflicting and thwarted 
love emotions in exactly the same way that reversals of 
relationship between dominance and compliance are re- 
sponsible for conflicting and thwarted appetitive emotions. 
We have already noted, in chapters XIII and XIV, that the 
efficient, normal relationship between submission and in- 
ducement response consists of adaptation of* inducement 
response to submission emotion. That is to say, in terms of 
conscious organization of emotional responses, the normal 
and efficient attitude in all love responses consists of inducing 
another individual only for the purpose of submitting to 
him. The final state of resting equilibrium between induce- 
ment and submission responses depends upon a final sub- 
mission response equal to and controlling whatever induce- 
ment reaction may have preceded it. 

Love is an emotion which is precisely opposite to appetite 
in the relationship which it establishes between subject and 
stimulus. In appetitive responses, no matter whether active 
or passive, compliance with the stimulus must only be a 
means used to dominate that stimulus for the advantage of 
the subject organism. Appetite is essentially ego-seeking 
or self-enlarging, and unless the subject's own organism, 
at the end of the response, is in a completely dominant re- 
lationship to its environment, then appetite has not accom- 
plished its purpose. In the case of love responses, however, 
quite the opposite relationship is sought. Here, the subject 
endeavours to place himself under the control of another 
individual for the purpose of giving himself or some part 
of himself to the other person. 

Inducement must always be the preliminary to this process 
of giving one's self to another, since it is no part of love to 
thrust upon another individual something that he does not 
want. The prospective recipient of a submissive service or 
gift, therefore, must first be induced to accept it willingly 
and gladly. For unless submission of one's self to another 


can be made pleasant and acceptable to the other individual, 
the ultimate giving ceases to be a (true submission. Thus 
it is easy to see that inducement must always precede and be 
wholly adapted to submission response if the total response 
is to be true love behaviour. 

Reversals of the normal relationship between successive 
inducement and submission responses may be brought about 
either by too much submission, or by too much inducement. 
Submission may be present so predominantly in the subject's 
existing behaviour, that when the necessity for inducement 
arises, in order to make continuance of submission possible, 
the subject tries to go on submitting even though he is com- 
pelled by the situation to want to induce. This integrative 
mix-up closely resembles the attempt which over-dominance 
may make to go on dominating, even after it has suffered 
defeat by compulsory compliance, by turning vengefully 
upon the compliance stimulus. So, in the present instance 
over-submission pushes, helplessly and unpleasantly, at the 
stimulus which has compelled unwilling inducement response. 
This type of situation may be called over-submission reversal. 
It is a male lover, gnawing silently and painfully at his mous- 
tache, while his inamorata captivates a more attractive man. 
A most unpleasant conflict is taking place between involun- 
tary inducement wish to win back the girl's attention, and 
an oversubmission to the girl's charms which is determined, as 
it were, not to give way to the inducement interruption already 
tacitly recognized. This is a conflict wherein submission 
attacks inducement. 

The opposite type of reversal relationship between sub- 
mission and inducement may be brought about by too much 
inducement. When a person whose ultimate aim in all 
relationships with people is to establish an inducement con- 
trol over them discovers that the submission which he has 
preliminarily employed as bait on the inducing hook is, 
after all, insufficient to make the other person submit, his 
inducement may flare up at this sudden resistance with 
consummate virulence. Over inducement is attacking the 
stimulus person toward whom further submission is required 
if the ultimate inducement is still to be accomplished. In 
other words, over-inducement is attacking compulsory sub- 
mission. This variety of abnormal integration may be 
called over-inducement reversal. It is a woman who, having 


thrown herself at her former lover's feet to induce him* to 
come back to her, wijining but a contemptuous laugh as 
response, hurls herself upon the man, tearing at his face with 
her hands in a paroxysm of destruction. A conflict is taking 
place in the woman's central nervous system, between over- 
intense inducement and enforced submission. This is a 
conflict wherein over-inducement attacks submission. 

Over-Submission Reversals Jealousy 

The line of demarcation between over-submission and over- 
submission reversal falls between unbalanced absorption in 
the loved one's companionship and jealousy. Watson failed 
to evoke jealousy, experimentally, by presenting various 
situations wherein a younger child was loved by the mother 
in the presence of the older brother, while the older child 
received less attention than before. 1 It seems probable, 
perhaps, that love had not reached a height of development, 
in the child subject, which could result in over-submission 
to the mother. Also, it seems likely that there was not 
sufficient love stimulation of the child actually in progress* 
at the time the younger child was introduced. I have evoked 
jealousy from a three-year-old girl, however, while the mother 
was ' cuddling " and caressing the little daughter in her arms, 
by bringing in an older boy to whom the mother turned 
and talked, though she still kept her daughter in her arm 
tneantime. The little girl at first responded normally, with 
inducement, by pulling at her mother's dress to attract 
attention again to herself, and by " snuggling " closer against 
the mother's body. When this produced only an admonitory 
" Keep quiet, Bee ! " from the mother, the child made a 
gesture as though to push the boy away from her mother 
and then buried her head against the mother's breast and 
began to cry quit;e softly, evidently in order to obey the 
mother's injunction to remain quiet. Neither mother nor 
child knew that any experiment or behaviour observation 
was being made. 

In this case, the little girl's active submission to her mother 
was at its height when interrupted. The interruption created 
a stimulus situation which should normally evoke inducement 
response from the little girl in order to resume her interrupted 
submission to her mother. A slight inducement reaction 

1 J. B. Watson, Behaviorism, pp. 149-154. 


was, in fact, evoked. But when it proved initially unsuccess- 
ful, the child's existing over-submission cut short her induce- 
ment behaviour. In that process, ihe child reversed the 
normal relationship between submission and inducement, 
and actually adapted her over-submission to the abortive 
inducement response, by submitting to the mother as well 
as she could while the inducement response was still un- 
controllably activating her organism. In short, there was a 
conflict between submission and inducement, each partially 
thwarting the other. Submission was compelled to adapt 
to inducement because it couldn't wholly eliminate it, and 
wouldn't give way to it. The result was the abnormal emotion 
of jealousy, probably making its earliest appearance in this 
child's consciousness. 

Consider how an older person possessing normal emotional 
relationship between submission and inducement, might 
have solved this emotional problem without suffering reversal, 
conflict and jealousy. Inducement must be kept in adapta- 
tion to submission. That would mean, in a situation similar 
to the one under discussion, that complete submission to the 
mother must be maintained continuously, whatever other 
reactions might be going forward. How to keep this sub- 
missive relationship, then, becomes the only issue. There 
is only one type of emotional response that is capable of 
influencing the mother to accept further submission, and 
that is inducement. An inducement programme which will 
accomplish this end most successfully, then, must be selected. 
Inducement must be adapted to submission. If the boy visitor 
is giving the mother pleasure, then the would-be inducer 
must find some way of giving the mother more pleasure from 
the boy's visit. A question might evoke some response from 
the boy pleasing to the mother, or the boy might be given 
a cookie or an apple. Such an action toward the boy would 
constitute an inducement of the mother to accept this new 
submission, the added pleasure she derives from the boy's 
presence, at the hands of her daughter. Inducement, on 
the daughter's part, adapted to submission, has enabled 
her to submit continuously and actively to her mother. 
Under the situation produced by the advent of the boy visitor, 
physical caresses were no longer a submission to the mother. 
Therefore, a wholly new series of true inducement reactions 
must be discovered capable of influencing the mother to 


accept the new submissions. Inducement would then be 
adapted to submission^ throughout, and there could be no 
reversal, no conflict, and no jealousy. 

A considerable series of over-submission reversal conflicts 
might be described, each producing its characteristic, ab- 
normal emotion. Among these might be mentioned sorrow, 
grief, loneliness (when living in midst of social group), shyness, 
and melancholy (including psychopathic states of this type). 
Since this book is devoted to a study of normal emotions, 
we shall not discuss this abnormal group further here. 

Over Inducement Reversals Hale 

The line of demarcation between over-inducement and 
over-inducement reversal falls between unbakwceH determina- 
tion to control another person's actions, and hatred. There 
seem to be at hand no well authenticated instances of 
true hatred responses evoked from children. Clearest 
examples of hatred on a vast scale are to be found in hatreds 
between races, especially, of course, during war. The 
" men in the street " of one nation are convinced, largely 
by newspaper propaganda, inspired sometimes by politicians 
but oftener by private appetitive interests of one sort or an- 
other 1 , that citizens of another country have "insulted the 
flag " or " violated the rights of our citizens ". When the 
Spanish war was begun by American newspapers, it was 
tiie rights of suffering Cubans that furnished the magic touch- 
stone capable of evoking American hatred. To carry out 
the love response apparently felt by Americans toward the 
injured Cubans, America must induce the Spaniards to alter 
their treatment of their oppressed subjects. Americans did 
not intend to submit to the Spanish, on any other basis what- 
ever than that which America proposed to induce Spain to 
accept. Yet as long as the Spanish continued to treat the 
Cubans harshly, which it was within their power, for the 
moment, to do, America was compelled to submit, despite 
the utmost intensity of attempted inducement to the con- 
trary. There resulted a conflict, then, in the American 
consciousness, between enforced submission to Spain, and 
over-inducement which was trying to adapt this submission 
to itself by controlling the actions of the Spanish, and making 
them adopt the paiticular course of action to which Americans 
were willing to submit. So long as the Spaniards refused to 


yield to America's inducement, therefore, they evoked hatred 
from every American who suffered from the over-inducement 
reversal taught by misunderstood patriotism. Until the 
citizens of one nation are willing to induce another nation 
only for the purpose of being able better to submit to the 
interests of that other nation, national hatreds must in- 
evitably spring up upon any occasion when one nation is 
compelled to submit to the actions of another, despite its 
utmost efforts to induce the other nation to adopt some 
other action which the first nation prefers, for its own reasons, 
to submit to. 

In such horribly disastrous international hatreds, where 
millions of individuals arc deliberately taught to experience 
the most abnormal of all emotions, the primary emotional 
reversal is identical with that which is responsible for the 
most transitory private hatred, between two individuals 
only. And this reversal springs, in both cases, from the 
same cause. The individual who hates, or the national 
group of individuals who hate another group, are so deter- 
mined upon inducing other people to do one particular thing, 
that they fail to perceive that they can easily induce the other 
individual or national group to do some other thing that 
can be submitted to by the inducers. Devastating dominance 
quickly enters the picture, once the offending nation resists 
being induced, and the offender then becomes an antagonist, 
not to be induced any longer, but to be knocked out, ana 
thus compelled, not to submit, but to comply. Thus in the 
end, no matter how successful the war victor may be, he 
never attains his original purpose of inducing the other person 
to submit ; at best, he can only dominate an enemy and compel 
compliance. If the original end of inducing submission is to 
be gained, then inducement must be adapted to submission. 
Which means, specifically, that some course of action on the 
offending nation's part must be found to which the inducer 
is willing ultimately to submit, and which the inducer has 
the present power to induce the offender to submit to. In 
short, each must ultimately submit, and each must select 
an inducement which will bring about acceptance of the 
submission which each is prepared to make. This is " com- 
promise ", " fellowship of nations ", and peace. Inducement 
must be kept adapted to submission, or people become things 
and destroy one another. Hatred is the abnormal emotion 


that accompanies destruction of human things by human 
things. t 

Though inducement gives way largely to dominance, 
during war, enough of the reversed S and I remain to keep 
active the background of motivating hatred, without which 
such futilly unproductive dominance would* soon die down. 
And hatred is easily distinguishable from dominance through- 
out. The background wish is not to make the enemy comply 
but to make him submit ; and he is to be made to submit to 
one specific inducement, selected arbitrarily by the over- 
inducer. Therefore, there is the constant, motivating drive 
to make the inducement (now metamorphosed into des- 
tructive dominance) more and more and more intense, so 
that the victim will feel it sufficiently to submit. The reversed 
over-inducer fails utterly to realize that the power of induce- 
ment lies not at all in antagonistic intensity, but allied in- 
tensity. If there is the slightest injurious element felt in 
the over-intensity of the would-be inducer, all power of 
such hoped-for inducement to evoke submission is taken, 
from it. But, of course, the attacker does not realize this ; 
his S and I are in reversal. Therefore, to make his motivating 
inducement more powerful he seeks to hurt the object of 
hatred personally to the greatest extent possible. This 
gives hatred quite a different conscious quality from domi- 
nance, which seeks only to compel the stimulus object into 
alliance with the self, or to remove it altogether as an obstacle 
from the subject's path. Dominance is intense, ruthless, 
but impersonal. Hatred is deliberately cruel, even more 
intense than dominance, and concentratedly personal. 

Resentment, so called "thwarted sex' 1 or sex anger, 1 
certain types of personal malice, certain paranoid states, 
and many other peculiarly dangerous reversal emotions un- 
doubtedly belong with hatred in the series of over-inducement 
reversal emotions. But they are abnormal emotions, and 
therefoie cannot be discussed further in the present volume. 

1 1 formerly attempted to devote the term " anger " exclusively to 
this variety of emotion calling it " true anger ", contrasting it to 
thwarted over-intense dominance, which I termed rage or fury. Criti- 
cisms upon this article showed, however, that the term " anger " could 
not be divorced in the public mind from dominance and its reversals. 
Therefore, it seems best to emphasize the word hatred in connection 
with reversal emotion containing submission and inducement in mutu- 
ally conflicting and ultimately baffled condition. 



Compliance must be adapted to. dominance, and in- 
ducement to submission, if human beings wish to remain 
normal. Reversals of these relationships invariably result 
in conflicts between primary emotions. 

It is beyond the powers of the organism to adapt certain 
compliance reactions to any superceding dominance responses 
which the organism is equipped to make. If the subject is 
over-dominant, he may nevertheless insist upon attempting 
the impossible, even though there are many other compliance 
responses available which might easily be adapted to and 
replaced by ultimate dominance. Such over-dominant sub- 
jects merely succeed in adapting their dominance to the 
unconquerable compliance response by continuing to hammer 
at it, yet all the while with a dominance partially baffled 
by recognition of the futility of the attack. This situation is 
called over-dominance reversal, and its typical abnormal emotion 
is rage. 

, There may be compliance reactions going on which the 
organism is fully capable of adapting to appropriate super- 
ceding, dominance responses. But if the subject is over- 
compliant he may not attempt "the possible. Such over- 
compliant subjects permit their dominance to be forced into 
destructive adaptation to their compliance emotion, with the 
awareness, all the time, that dominance is being progressively 
defeated. This situation is called over- compliance reversal, 
and its typical abnormal emotion is fear. 

There may be submission responses going on which the